AbsolutelyThailand.blogspot.com

Phuket's still a magnet for investors

2010-08-27T20:40:00.000-07:00

Published: 26/08/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Horizons

Foreign investors find Phuket a lucrative spot in which to do business due to its international appeal as a beach destination, its eye-catching natural beauty and year-round tropical climate, says Allan Zeman, owner of the five-star Andara Resort & Villas which opened on the island earlier this year.

Zeman, a property developer with over four decades of experience, noted that, Phuket, unlike Bangkok, hasn't experienced any major political instability which would discourage tourists.

"Apart from the aforementioned reasons, I decided to invest in a resort and mall business in Phuket because I've been a regular visitor for the past 30 years. Phuket is like a second home to me and I find the local people friendly and charming. The island has much to offer in terms of culture, history and food. It'll remain a hotbed for sustainable tourism growth for years to come."

Can you tell us a little about yourself?

I was raised in Canada but have lived in Hong Kong now for over 40 years, so I'm Chinese, to be honest! Lan Kwai Fong, an entertainment hub which serves up a mix of contemporary, international and local cuisine, is my signature property development there. I'm also the chairman of Ocean Park, an established theme park in Hong Kong.

There's been a big increase in the number of high-end resorts opening on Phuket. Do you think the island has exceeded its capacity to sustain luxury developments?

Not really, because I believe that the rising number of accommodation options is a testament to investor confidence. And what's good for the economy, is also good for Phuket! That said, I feel like there are developers who are looking to build smarter, quality- - as opposed to quantity-based - resorts, which cater to the high-end tourism segment where success is valued not in the number of resorts you have, but rather in their calibre.

Tell us something about your new venture.

Andara is a collection of 37 luxury residences and 26 pool villas, all set on a dreamy hillside overlooking the pristine Andaman Sea. Although only open since February, Andara has already proven itself as a top luxury resort in Asia, winning four awards at the Thailand Property Awards and being included on the Conde' Nast Traveler hot list for 2010.

Andara sets itself apart from other luxury resorts by offering a host of unique extras, which include two private motor yachts, a deluxe spa and renowned restaurant plus perfect service.

What are your future plans for Andara?

We're still discovering the seasonal norms as we nourish what is a young brand, build our reputation as a luxury resort and continue to exceed expectations. Markets like short-haul travellers, especially for corporate leisure, are promising for us since we offer a unique luxury lifestyle, yachting on our two private boats, golfing, romantic getaways and quality family time.

How much of an impact did the red-shirt protests have on tourist arrivals?

The protests didn't have much of an impact on our tourist numbers. We had a few cancellations from European clients in May, due largely to the clouds of volcanic ash which caused a number of flights to be cancelled. On the flip side, that also meant that many of our resident guests at that time extended their stay at Andara for a little longer.

If you had the opportunity to speak to our PM about the current situation and its effect on tourism, what would you suggest that he do?

Actually, I have spoken to the prime minister already. I talked to him about the need to focus on tourist development, as it is the country's largest industry, and a source of income for many. The recovery of the industry after the red-shirt protests hinges largely on gaining back tourist confidence. And to do that, all the key players in the government and private sectors that are connected to tourism need to have a round-table discussion to bring about a proper solution.

Moreover, I think that Phuket needs some new attractions to draw visitors. Places that go hand in glove with the natural beauty of the island and its cultural surroundings might include a tourist attraction similar to the theme park that I developed in Hong Kong, but with a Thai touch. Convention centres are also important to showcase Phuket as a potential destination for the Mice [meetings, incentives, conventions and exhibitions] market.

If you were in charge of the Tourism and Sports Ministry what issues would you tackle?

Number one would be to increase the focus on human-resource training and then to upgrade the infrastructure of the country to make it easier for people to travel. I would also continue to promote Phuket as a value-for-money destination.

Moving on to a less serious subject: how do you like to chill out after a hard day at work?

I'm always exploring, so whenever I'm in Phuket I take our yacht, Celebrity, out to Naka Island in Phangnga Bay to have lunch. Being in that most natural of settings is an experience that never fails to help me unwind.

What category of tourist destination most appeals to you?

I love non-touristy spots which are easy to get to for a weekend, but once you're there you feel like the only person in the world to have discovered it. I look for destinations with sun, sea and lush vegetation, like an island which also happens to be rich in culture.

Having said that, I also love being in the middle of a busy city, rubbing shoulders with the locals. Both sort of places hold an attraction for me. In fact, I feel as much at home in the hustle and bustle of a city as I would on an island in the middle of nowhere. I like exciting cities like Hong Kong that inspire me to do business. I love combining business and pleasure because doing business brings me a lot of happiness.

Writer: Yvonne Bohwongprasert

Position: Reporter

bangkokpost.com

"คนขายเสรีภาพ"

2010-08-22T01:20:00.000-07:00

วันที่ 20 สิงหาคม พ.ศ. 2553 เวลา 21:00:00 น. มติชนออนไลน์

โดย เกษียร เตชะพีระ

ขณะนายกฯอภิสิทธิ์เดือดเนื้อร้อนใจที่ "มีคนอยู่ดีๆ มาว่าว่าผมขายชาติ" (รายการ "เชื่อมั่นประเทศไทยกับนายกฯอภิสิทธิ์", เว็บไซต์ คมชัดลึก, 8 สิงหาคม 2553) ผมกลับคิดว่าเรื่องน่าเป็นห่วงสำหรับอนาคตการเมืองไทยและหลายประเทศในโลกอยู่ที่อาการ "ขายเสรีภาพ" มากกว่า

นี่เป็นประเด็นหลักของหนังสือซึ่งกำลังเป็นที่ถกเถียงวิพากษ์วิจารณ์ในหมู่นักวิเคราะห์การเมืองอังกฤษ-อเมริกันอย่างกว้างขวางเรื่อง Freedom for Sale : How We Made Money and Lost Our Liberty (เสรีภาพสำหรับขาย : เราทำมาหาเงินและสูญเสียเสรีภาพไปได้อย่างไร-ตีพิมพ์ในอังกฤษเมื่อกันยายน ค.ศ. 2009, และฉบับอัพเดตออกในอเมริกา มีนาคม ศกนี้) เขียนโดย จอห์น แคพเนอร์และกำลังแปลเป็นภาษาอิตาเลียน, รัสเซีย, อาหรับ ฯลฯ

แคพเนอร์เป็นชาวอังกฤษที่เกิดในสิงคโปร์เมื่อ ค.ศ.1962 ประกอบอาชีพเป็นนักเขียนนักวิจารณ์และผู้ประกาศข่าว

เขาเคยเป็นผู้สื่อข่าวประจำกรุงเบอร์ลิน (ช่วงกำแพงเบอร์ลินแตกและเยอรมนีรวมประเทศ) และมอสโก (ช่วงรัฐประหารโดยแกนนำคอมมิวนิสต์หัวเก่าล้มเหลวและระบอบโซเวียตล่มสลาย) ให้หนังสือพิมพ์ Daily Telegraph และสำนักข่าว Reuters อยู่เกือบ 10 ปี (ค.ศ.1984-กลางคริสต์ทศวรรษ 1990) ก่อนจะกลับอังกฤษมาเป็นหัวหน้าผู้สื่อข่าวการเมืองให้หนังสือพิมพ์ Financial Times และนักวิจารณ์การเมืองให้สำนักข่าว BBC

เขาประสบความสำเร็จสูงสุดในวิชาชีพหนังสือพิมพ์เมื่อเข้าเป็นบรรณาธิการการเมือง (จาก ค.ศ.2002) และเลื่อนเป็นบรรณาธิการใหญ่ของนิตยสาร New Statesman (ค.ศ.2005-2008) โดยปรับปรุงนิตยสารจนยอดขายขึ้นสูงสุดในรอบ 30 ปี เขาได้รางวัลต่างๆ อาทิ :

- รางวัล Journalist of the Year และ Film of the Year ในปี ค.ศ.2002 จาก Foreign Press Association สำหรับภาพยนตร์สารคดีความขัดแย้งระหว่างอิสราเอลกับปาเลสไตน์ที่เขาทำให้ BBC เรื่อง The Ugly War

- รางวัล Book of the Year ในปี ค.ศ.2003 จากหนังสือพิมพ์ Times, Sunday Times และ Observer สำหรับหนังสือของเขาเรื่อง Blair"s Wars

- รางวัล Current Affairs Editor ประจำปี ค.ศ.2006 จาก British Society of Magazine Editors

- ล่าสุดหนังสือ Freedom for Sale ของเขาก็ได้รับคัดเลือกเข้ารอบสุดท้ายเพื่อชิงรางวัล Orwell Prize อันทรงเกียรติเมื่อเดือนพฤษภาคมศกนี้

ปัจจุบัน จอห์น แคพเนอร์ เป็นหัวหน้าผู้บริหารของ Index on Censorship อันเป็นองค์การส่งเสริมเสรีภาพในการแสดงออกทั่วโลกของอังกฤษ ที่พัฒนาขึ้นมาจากนิตยสารชื่อเดียวกันตั้งแต่ปี ค.ศ.1972

คำถามหลักของแคพเนอร์ใน Freedom for Sale คือ : -

"ทำไมผู้คนมากหลายทั่วโลกไม่ว่าจะอยู่ในวัฒนธรรม, สภาพการณ์, ภูมิศาสตร์, หรือประวัติศาสตร์ใด, ดูเหมือนเต็มใจจะสละเสรีภาพบางอย่างเพื่อแลกกับความมั่นคงหรือเจริญรุ่งเรือง?"

คำถามนี้กระแทกใจเขาเมื่อปลายปี ค.ศ.2007 จากนั้นแคพเนอร์ก็ออกเดินทางสำรวจแสวงหาคำตอบไปหลายประเทศทั่วโลก ได้แก่ สิงคโปร์ จีน รัสเซีย สหรัฐอาหรับเอมิเรตส์ อินเดีย อิตาลี อังกฤษ และสหรัฐอเมริกา ตามลำดับ

เกณฑ์ในการเลือกของเขาคือ เป็นประเทศภายใต้ระบอบอำนาจนิยม (authoritarianism - 4 ประเทศแรก) ไปจนถึงเสรีประชาธิปไตย (liberal democracy - 4 ประเทศหลัง) ที่ล้วนยอมรับเงื่อนไขของโลกาภิวัตน์

โดยหลีกเลี่ยงประเทศภายใต้ระบอบทรราชที่ปกครองด้วยปากกระบอกปืนอย่างไม่อินังขังขอบฉันทานุมัติของประชาชนอย่างพม่า เกาหลีเหนือ ซิมบับเว ฯลฯ และประเทศที่มีเงื่อนไขเฉพาะพิเศษ เช่น อิสราเอลที่ยึดครองและขัดแย้งอยู่กับปาเลสไตน์, แอฟริกาใต้ภายหลังระบอบแบ่งแยกสีผิวซึ่งยังคงมรดกความเหลื่อมล้ำแตกแยกระหว่างชนต่างสีผิวอยู่, เวเนซุเอลาภายใต้ประธานาธิบดีฮูโก ชาเวซ ที่อาศัยทรัพยากรน้ำมันอันอุดมดำเนินนโยบายประชานิยมเอียงซ้ายและต่อต้านจักรวรรดินิยมอเมริกา ทำให้กลุ่มทุนต่างๆ และคนชั้นกลางแปลกแยกเป็นปฏิปักษ์กับรัฐบาล เป็นต้น

แคพเนอร์ใช้สิงคโปร์ในฐานะถิ่นกำเนิดซึ่งเขาผูกพันทางจิตใจเป็นพิเศษ เป็นเสมือนต้นแบบของการขายเสรีภาพด้วยแนวคิด "ข้อตกลงที่ไม่เป็นลายลักษณ์อักษร" หรือ "การได้อย่างเสียอย่าง" (the unwritten pact or tradeoff) ซึ่งทำให้เพื่อนฝูงชาวสิงคโปร์ของเขา - ทั้งที่เคยเดินทางท่องเที่ยวมาแล้วทั่วโลกและจบอุดมศึกษาชั้นสูง - กลับปกป้องระบบที่ยกย่องความสำคัญของการเหนี่ยวรั้งจำกัดเสรีภาพปัจเจกบุคคลเพื่อแลกกับสิ่งที่เรียกว่า "ประโยชน์ส่วนรวม"

แรกเริ่มเดิมทีเขาคิดว่านี่เป็นกลุ่มอาการทางการเมืองเฉพาะตัวของโลกตะวันออกที่มองต่างมุมและกำลังลุกขึ้นมาท้าทายโลกตะวันตกอย่างฮึกเหิมในทำนอง "นโยบายมุ่งมองบูรพา" (Look East Policy) ของอดีตนายกฯมหาธีร์ โมฮัมหมัด แห่งมาเลเซีย หรือ "ค่านิยมเอเชีย" (Asian values) ของอดีตนายกฯลี กวน ยู แห่งสิงคโปร์

แต่เมื่อเพ่งสำรวจพินิจอย่างลึกซึ้ง แคพเนอร์ก็พบว่า อ้าว, เราทำกันอย่างนั้นทั้งนั้นนี่หว่า ไม่ว่าตะวันออกหรือตะวันตก, อำนาจนิยม กึ่งอำนาจนิยมหรือเสรีประชาธิปไตย, ขงจื๊อหรือคริสต์, สิงคโปเรียนหรือแยงกี้..เราต่างก็ใกล้เคียงกันกว่าที่คิดและยอมเสียสละเสรีภาพของเราเพื่อแลกให้ได้เงินมาด้วยกันทั้งนั้น

ในความหมายนี้ ข้อตกลงขายเสรีภาพจึงเป็นสากล ไม่ได้จำกัดอยู่เฉพาะบางวัฒนธรรมหรือระบอบการเมือง

แน่นอนรูปธรรมการคลี่คลายขยายตัวของข้อตกลงขายเสรีภาพย่อมผันแปรไปบ้างตามสภาพการณ์, วัฒนธรรมและอัตราเร่งที่แตกต่างกัน พูดง่ายๆ เราต่างก็เลือกเสรีภาพที่เราพร้อมจะเสียสละชนิดต่างๆ กันไปในแต่ละประเทศของตน

บางประเทศก็ยอมสละเสรีภาพในการแสดงออก (เช่น สิงคโปร์)

บ้างก็สละสิทธิ์ในการโหวตไล่รัฐบาลออกจากตำแหน่ง (เช่น จีน)

บ้างก็สละศาลตุลาการที่เที่ยงธรรมไม่ลำเอียง (เช่น กัมพูชาและมาเลเซีย)

บ้างก็สละความสามารถที่จะดำเนินชีวิตปกติโดยไม่ถูกสปายสายลับดักฟังสอดแนมล้วงอ่านหรือกล้องวงจรปิดตามส่องดู (เช่น อเมริกาและอังกฤษ)

บ้างก็ยอมเสียสิทธิเสรีภาพในการชุมนุมสาธารณะเพื่อแสดงความเห็นทางการเมือง (เช่น พื้นที่ภายใต้ประกาศภาวะฉุกเฉินยืดเยื้อทั่วโลก) ฯลฯ

เพราะเอาเข้าจริงข้อเหนี่ยวรั้งจำกัดสิทธิเสรีภาพเหล่านี้มันกระทบแค่คนจำนวนน้อย ซึ่งก็ล้วนแต่เป็น "พวกตัวป่วน ชอบหาเรื่อง ก่อความวุ่นวายมือไม่พายเอาตีนราน้ำแถมโคลงเรืออีกต่างหาก" หรือ "พวกไม่รักชาติ ไม่สมานฉันท์ ไม่รู้ใช่คนไทยหรือเปล่า?" อาทิ นักข่าวนักหนังสือพิมพ์ที่วิจารณ์รัฐบาลและหน่วยงานของรัฐ หรือยิงคำถามและเผยแพร่ข้อมูลข่าวสารที่ทำให้ภาพลักษณ์ของบรรดา ฯพณฯ และประเทศชาติเสียหาย, นักกฎหมายสิทธิมนุษยชนผู้ว่าความให้สื่อมวลชนเหล่านี้หรือปกป้องผู้ต้องหาที่ถูกเจ้าหน้าที่ซ้อมทรมานหรืออุ้มหายหรือทำร้ายจนถึงแก่ความตาย, พวกเอ็นจีโอ, นักการเมืองฝ่ายค้าน, แกนนำเสื้อสี.....

ขณะที่คนส่วนใหญ่ 99% ของประเทศไม่เห็นเค้าเดือดเนื้อร้อนใจอะไรด้วย ต่างก็ดำเนินชีวิต ทำมาหาเงิน เดินห้างติดแอร์เย็นฉ่ำช็อปปิ้งตามใจชอบเป็นปกติ...แล้วพวกมึงแค่ไม่กี่คนจะโวยวายทำไรฟะ?

ข้อตกลงขายเสรีภาพโดยเนื้อหาจึงเป็นการขายเสรีภาพสาธารณะ (public freedoms) อันเกี่ยวกับพฤติกรรมในพื้นที่สาธารณะ อย่างเช่น เสรีภาพในการชุมนุม, เสรีภาพในการรวมตัวก่อตั้งสมาคมและองค์การ, เสรีภาพในการพูด, เสรีภาพในการเลือกตั้งในระบบหลายพรรค ฯลฯ หรือนัยหนึ่งเสรีภาพในการเคลื่อนไหวกดดันอย่างแข็งขันให้เกิดผลต่อเรื่องส่วนรวมร่วมกัน - ซึ่งก็คือสิ่งที่ ฯพณฯ มักเรียกว่าเสรีภาพในการก่อความวุ่นวายนั่นเอง

เสรีภาพสาธารณะแบบนี้มีใครที่ไหนอยากใช้หรือ? ใครสักกี่คนกันที่ต้องการหาญกล้าลุกขึ้นท้าทายบรรดา ฯพณฯ ผู้นั่งเรียงแถวหน้าสลอนประกาศคำสั่งและแถลงข่าวอยู่บนจอทีวีเหล่านั้น?

มิสู้ขายมันทิ้งเพื่อแลกกับเสรีภาพเอกชน (private freedoms) ในอันที่จะดำรงชีวิตโดดเดี่ยวเหี่ยวๆ เห่ยๆ เหมือนอะตอมของตัวเองดีกว่า อย่างเช่น เสรีภาพในการเลือกโรงเรียนให้ลูก, เสรีภาพในการเดินทางท่องเที่ยว, เสรีภาพในการแสดงออกได้ตามใจในเงื่อนไขพื้นที่เอกชนของตัว, เสรีภาพในการดำเนินวิถีชีวิตเอกชนของกูแบบที่กูปรารถนา, เสรีภาพในการแต่งกายทำผมลงรอยสักบนเนื้อตัวตามแฟชั่น, เสรีภาพในการซื้อหาบ้านช่องรถราข้าวของเครื่องใช้, และเหนืออื่นใดคือเสรีภาพในการทำมาหาเงินและจับจ่ายใช้เงิน

นี่ไม่ใช่หรือเสรีภาพที่สำคัญที่สุดสำหรับเรา? มีแค่นี้ก็ "ฟรี" พอแล้วไม่ใช่หรือ?

แคพเนอร์วิเคราะห์ว่าในรอบสองทศวรรษที่ผ่านมา พลังการเมืองที่รองรับข้อตกลงขายเสรีภาพดังกล่าวในประเทศต่างๆ มักประกอบด้วยพันธมิตรของ [ผู้นำการเมือง+ภาคธุรกิจ+คนชั้นกลาง] ถึงไม่ระบุชัดเป็นลายลักษณ์อักษรโต้งๆ แต่ข้อตกลงนี้ก็ดำรงอยู่ในรูปชุดความเข้าใจที่ชัดเจนทว่าแนบเนียนไม่โฉ่งฉ่าง ประเด็นสำคัญของข้อตกลงดังกล่าวในทางปฏิบัติก็คือ จำนวนผู้ได้ประโยชน์จากมันจะต้องค่อยๆ เพิ่มขึ้นและรัฐต้องยืดหยุ่นพลิกแพลงพอที่จะตอบสนองความต้องการต่างๆ ของพวกเขา

ความต้องการที่ว่าก็ได้แก่รัฐต้องช่วยค้ำประกันและอุดหนุนกรรมสิทธิ์ในทรัพย์สิน, กฎหมายนิติกรรม-สัญญา, การปกป้องสิ่งแวดล้อม, การเลือกไลฟ์สไตล์ต่างๆ, และสิทธิในการเดินทาง ทว่าเหนืออื่นใดในยุคโลกาภิวัตน์ทางการเงินนี้คือ รัฐต้องคุ้มครองสิทธิเสรีภาพในอันที่จะทำมาหาเงินและเก็บสะสมเงิน

และเพื่อช่วยให้การขายเสรีภาพดำเนินไปได้อย่างสะดวกกายสบายใจก็ต้องมีลัทธิบริโภคนิยมเป็นยาสลบหรือยาชาช่วยกล่อมประสาททางการเมืองให้มึนตึ้บสงบลงได้ชะงัดนักแล (ดู "ททท. จัดงาน SMILE@SIAM คืนรอยยิ้มให้เมืองไทย 14-15 สิงหาคม, www.media-shaker.com/pr-news/756.html)

เพียงเท่านี้ พวกเขาก็พร้อมจะเสียสละเสรีภาพสาธารณะ- รวมทั้งเสรีภาพในการเห็นอาชญากรรมที่รุนแรงที่สุดกลางเมืองและเสรีภาพในการจำโศกนาฏกรรมครั้งใหญ่แห่งชาติ - ทั้งของตัวเองและของคนอื่น ที่เป็นพวกตัวป่วนไม่กี่คนมาเป็นเครื่องบัดพลีบูชายัญให้แก่รัฐอย่างยิ้มแย้มหน้าชื่นตาบาน (ชมวิดีโอตำรวจนอกเครื่องแบบ 6 นาย รุมจับและอุ้ม นที สรวารี ตัวป่วนผู้บังอาจใช้เสรีภาพสาธารณะของปัจเจกบุคคลในการจำและพูดที่ราชประสงค์ เมื่อวันที่ 18 กรกฎาคม ศกนี้ ได้ที่ www.youtube.com/watch?v=3KiJRjXIN4Q)

"นิธิ" ชี้สังคมไทยแตกแยก หวั่นนองเลือด

2009-10-08T20:35:00.000-07:00

"นิธิ" ชี้สังคมไทยแตกแยก หวั่นนองเลือดฆ่ากันเองโดยไร้เหตุผล

ที่สถาบันศศินทร์ ได้จัดประชุมทางวิชาการดุลยภาพของสถาบันกับการพัฒนาประชาธิปไตยโดยได้มีการเสวนาในหัวข้อ "เส้นทางสมดุลทางเศรษฐกิจ การเมือง สังคมไทย" ศาสตราจารย์นิธิ เอียวศรีวงศ์ นักวิชาการ กล่าวว่า ปัญหาความไม่สมดุลภายในสังคมไทยมีมาอย่างยาวนาน ตั้งแต่เกิดการเปลี่ยนแปลงในอดีต ทั้งการพัฒนาตั้งแต่สมัยรัชกาลที่ 5 กระทั่งปัจจุบันที่เกิดปัญหาบาดหมาง แตกแยกมานานถึง 20 ปี ไม่ได้มาแตกแยกในระยะ 3 ปีที่ผ่านมา ซึ่งเป็นการแตกแยกถึงรากถึงโคน และทำให้เกิดปรากฏการณ์การแบ่งชนชั้นที่ต่างจากอดีตที่มีคนชนชั้นสูง ชนชั้นกลางและชนชั้นล่าง แต่ปัจจุบันการเมืองที่ประชาชนเข้าไปมีส่วนร่วม ทำให้คนชั้นล่างเปลี่ยนเป็นคนชั้นกลางระดับล่างที่มีค่าครองชีพสูงแต่รายได้ไม่มากนักโดยมีสัดส่วนถึง 40% ซึ่งอยู่ทั้งในชนบทและในเมือง ที่สำคัญคนเหล่านี้ได้เข้ามามีส่วนร่วมในนโยบายสาธารณะ ดังที่เห็นได้จากการเลือกตั้ง โดยที่พรรคการเมืองสามารถที่จะตอบสนองความต้องการของคนเหล่านี้ได้ ในอนาคตพวกเขาเหล่านี้จะไม่ได้เรียกร้องแค่ความเท่าเทียมทางการเมืองแต่จะเรียกร้องเรื่องอื่นๆอีกมากมาย ซึ่งจะทำให้เกิดความตึงเครียดมากขึ้นในสังคม ตนไม่แน่ใจว่า คนชั้นกลางจะยอมรับได้หรือไม่

ศาสตราจารย์นิธิ กล่าวว่า ทางออกของความตึงเครียดความไม่สมดุลนั้นไม่มีคำตอบที่สำเร็จรูป แต่สิ่งที่น่ากลัวและร้ายแรงคือ การนองเลือดที่ไม่จำเป็นและไม่มีเหตุผล และเราจะมีทางหลีกเลี่ยงสิ่งเหล่านี้ได้หรือไม่ เพราะคนไทยจะฆ่ากันเองโดยไม่มีเหตุผลว่า ฆ่าทำไม สิ่งที่ต้องทำในขณะนี้คือ การลดปัจจัยการนองเลือดที่อาจจะมีขึ้นทั้งระยะสั้นและระยะยาว โดยระยะสั้น คือ การเพิ่มระบบการตรวจสอบการเมืองให้มากขึ้นโดยให้ประชนรู้สึกได้ว่ามีช่องทางในการตรวจสอบมากกว่าที่เป็นอยู่ เพิ่มพื้นที่การแสดงออกของประชาชน การออกกฎหมายชุมนุมในที่สาธารณะจะทำให้ประชาชนรู้สึกว่าหมดหนทางในการต่อสู้ซึ่งจะส่งผลให้ใช้วิธีนอกกฎหมายและความรุนแรงมากขึ้น ส่วนในระยะยาวจะต้องมีการสถาปนานิติรัฐให้มากขึ้น เน้นเรื่องรัฐสวัสดิการเพื่อเป็นหลักประกันให้กับประชาชนคนชั้นกลางระดับล่าง ให้การศึกษามากขึ้น

ที่มา : มติชนออนไลน์, 8 ตุลาคม 2552

Immigration Bureau to move to new location

2009-09-11T08:32:00.000-07:00

By Mayuree Sukyingcharoenwong
The Nation

Fri,September 11,2009

The Immigration Bureau will move from its Soi Suan Phlu office to new offices in the new Government Office Centre on Chaeng Wattana Road this month, a senior immigration officer said Friday. (Map inside)

The new office is situated on the second floor of Building B of New Government Centre, which is in the same complex as the Consular Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

It will be fully open for service on September 28, Pol Lt Col Uraiwan Harnpradit said, adding the Bureau will continue to provide services at the Suan Phlu Office until September 25.

The move was due to the limited area for services and parking, which is insufficient to meet the needs of an everincreasing number of visitors. The new office will be more convenient, she said.

(nationmultimedia.com)

emergency decree

2009-09-11T08:23:00.000-07:00

No plan for use of emergency decree

Writer: BangkokPost.com

Published: 11/09/2009 at 02:53 PM

There will be no need for an executive decree for administration in an emergency situation if there is a violent political incident while Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva attending the United Nations General Assembly, acting government spokesman Panithan Wattanayakorn said on Friday.

He said the Internal Security Act (ISA) alone was effective enough to maintain law and order.

Mr Abhisit will attend the UN meeting, in New York, from Sept 20-27.

"That [the emergency law] is not necessary. The ISA is already enough. However, we have to keep the situation under watch," Mr Pathithan said.

The spokesman said the prime minister will next week pay a visit to the Internal Security Operations Command headquarters to brief them on policy and listen to an assessment of the planned Sept 19 rally by the red-shirts before leaving for New York.

Mr Panithan said the government will keep the public informed of the prime minister's activities during his trip abroad. via TV channel 11.

(bangkokpost.com)

economy key to House dissolution

2009-08-31T20:24:00.000-07:00

PM says economy key to House dissolution

Published: 1/09/2009 at 12:00 AM

The House could be dissolved after the government's measures to tackle the country's economic crisis start to bear fruit from December to February, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva says.

A source quoted the prime minister as telling high-level participants yesterday at an advanced course on political development at the Election Commission that three conditions would have to be met before the House could be dissolved.

The first was that the economy must be back on track. That was expected to take place from December to February when the government's stimulus package began to yield fruit.

The second was that all parties must be in agreement on the election rules.

The third condition was that an election would end political conflict and a House dissolution and fresh polls could raise the country from crisis.

Mr Abhisit said a decision to dissolve the House would also depend on members from all political parties being allowed to campaign freely without hindrance from opposing sides.

He attributed the political conflict to two major factors: the misconception that a majority vote was always correct and that the law was being used as a political tool.

To break the political stalemate, all sides must take a step back. But in doing so, they must not affect the rule of law and the country's main institutions must continue to exist and not be offended.

Yesterday's course was titled "Thai Politics in a Situation of Conflict". Reporters were excluded.

Source : bangkokpost.com

คนเล็กจ่ายก่อน

2009-08-24T05:09:00.000-07:00

วันที่ 24 สิงหาคม พ.ศ. 2552 ปีที่ 32 ฉบับที่ 11489 มติชนรายวัน

คนเล็กจ่ายก่อน

โดย นิธิ เอียวศรีวงศ์

ข่าวสับสนของ 1-2 สัปดาห์ที่ผ่านมาก็คือ ประชาชนในภาคใต้จำนวนหนึ่งถูกสั่งให้เสียเงินค่าโลกร้อน เพราะไปตัดต้นยางเก่าในพื้นที่ซึ่งพวกเขาอ้างว่าทำกินกันมาตั้งแต่ปู่ย่าตายาย แม้สมมุติว่า พื้นที่สวนยางดังกล่าวถูกประกาศเป็นเขตวนอุทยานฯทับลงไปแล้ว ค่าปรับก็ยังเป็นค่าปรับที่ทำให้โลกร้อน (ด้วย) ไม่ใช่เพราะบุกรุกเขตวนอุทยานฯอยู่ดี

ฉะนั้น จึงน่าตกใจแก่ชาวบ้านร้านตลาดพอสมควร เพราะไม่รู้ว่าสิทธิการตัดต้นไม้ในบ้านเรือนไร่นาของตนเองได้หมดไปตั้งแต่เมื่อไร ทางกรมอุทยานฯก็ออกมาปฏิเสธว่า เรื่องนี้ไม่เคยเกิดขึ้นจริง เพราะกรมไม่เคยมีคดีกับชาวบ้านเรื่องนี้ แม้ชาวบ้านจะยืนยันว่าคำสั่งที่ตัวได้รับนั้นเป็นคำสั่งศาล

สื่อไม่ได้ลงไปเจาะให้เจอตัวคำสั่งศาล หรือเจอความเข้าใจผิดของชาวบ้าน แต่สื่อกลับตอบโต้ด้วยการนำเอา พ.ร.บ.ซึ่งออกมาตั้งแต่ 2535 มีมาตราค่าปรับเรื่องการกระทำที่ก่อให้เกิดภาวะโลกร้อนมายืนยัน ทางกรมอุทยานฯก็ยังยืนยันว่าไม่มีสูตรคิดค่าเสียหายจากชาวบ้านที่ตัดไม้ทำลายป่า ในที่สุดมติชนไปได้เอกสารของกรมอุทยานฯ มีเลขที่และวันที่ชัดเจน ส่งถึงสำนักงานอัยการจังหวัดพัทลุง เพื่อแจกแจงค่าเสียหายที่เกิดจากการบุกรุกทำลายป่าแห่งหนึ่ง และในนั้นมีรายการค่าปรับที่ "ทำให้อากาศร้อนมากขึ้น" เป็นเงินสี่หมื่นกว่าบาทต่อไร่ต่อปี

กรมอุทยานฯอ้างว่า คงเป็นเรื่องที่ผู้เกี่ยวข้องโยงข้อความใน พ.ร.บ.มาใช้ โดยทางกรมไม่เคยมีสูตรคิดเลย พูดอีกอย่างหนึ่งคือเป็นความขยันไม่เข้าเรื่องของข้าราชการระดับล่างโน่น - และผมไม่ทราบว่าใครเป็นคนลงนามในหนังสือของกรมที่มีไปยังสำนักงานอัยการใน พ.ศ.2548

ยังมีความสับสนอีกอย่างหนึ่ง ซึ่งอาจเกิดมาจากตัวกฎหมายส่งเสริมและรักษาคุณภาพสิ่งแวดล้อม หรืออาจเกิดจากความสับสนของเจ้าหน้าที่ในการปฏิบัติตามกฎหมาย

ภาวะโลกร้อนเป็นภัยคุกคามที่ใหญ่มากในปัจจุบัน ทุกประเทศต้องช่วยกันอย่างเต็มที่ในการลดเงื่อนไขที่ทำให้โลกร้อน ประชาชนในแต่ละประเทศก็มีภาระอย่างเดียวกัน ไม่ว่าจะมีสนธิสัญญาระหว่างประเทศเกี่ยวกับเรื่องนี้หรือไม่ และไม่ว่าจะเอาคาร์บอนเครดิตไปขายได้หรือไม่

อย่างไรก็ตาม กิจกรรมของมนุษย์ ทั้งที่เป็นไปโดยธรรมชาติ และที่ทำขึ้นเพื่อดำรงชีวิต ย่อมต้องปล่อยก๊าซเรือนกระจกเป็นธรรมดา ปัญหาคือจะแบ่งความรับผิดชอบของผู้กระทำอย่างไร

ในส่วนกิจกรรมที่เป็นไปตามธรรมชาติ (ตั้งแต่ตดไปจนถึงอาบน้ำและกิน) กิจกรรมใดที่หลีกเลี่ยงไม่ได้ ก็ต้องปล่อยให้ทำเป็นปกติ แต่ส่วนที่เลี่ยงได้ หากอยากจะบริโภคอุปโภคให้ได้ ก็ต้องรับภาระเพิ่มขึ้น เช่นกระบวนการผลิตเนื้อวัวก่อให้เกิดก๊าซเรือนกระจกมาก ผู้บริโภคก็ต้องแบกรับราคาที่สูงกว่าโปรตีนจากเนื้อสัตว์ประเภทอื่นเช่นปลาตามธรรมชาติ

ในส่วนกิจกรรมอื่นที่นอกเหนือธรรมชาติ (เช่นตัดต้นยางเก่าออก) หลักการพิจารณาก็คือ มีทางเลือกอื่นที่เป็นไปได้ในเงื่อนไขที่เป็นธรรม อันจะก่อให้เกิดก๊าซเรือนกระจกน้อยลงหรือไม่ หากไม่มี เช่นกรณีชาวบ้านที่ทำสวนยาง ถึงอย่างไรก็ต้องโค่นต้นยางเก่าทิ้ง และในเงื่อนไขทางเศรษฐกิจของชาวบ้าน ย่อมไม่มีเทคโนโลยีให้เลือกมากไปกว่าเลื่อย

ในกรณีเช่นนี้ หลักปฏิบัติที่เขาใช้กันทั่วไปก็คือ กระจายความรับผิดชอบไปให้แก่ทุกฝ่าย เช่นเอาค่าปรับโลกร้อนไปฝากไว้ในภาษีการซื้อ-ขายยางพารา จะฝากไว้ที่ระดับน้ำยาง หรือระดับผลิตภัณฑ์เช่นยางรถยนต์ก็ตาม แต่ผู้บริโภคต้องจ่าย โดยไม่เอาค่าปรับไปกระจุกไว้ที่ปัจเจกบุคคลที่ก่อให้เกิดก๊าซเรือนกระจก แล้วปล่อยให้ผู้บริโภคซึ่งเป็นต้นเหตุสำคัญของการปล่อยก๊าซเรือนกระจกจากกิจกรรมนั้นลอยนวลไป

และในทำนองเดียวกัน หากสังคมยอมให้ผลิตไฟฟ้าด้วยถ่านหินซึ่งปล่อยก๊าซเรือนกระจก (และก๊าซพิษอื่นๆ ด้วย) มากกว่าพลังงานอื่น โรงไฟฟ้าประเภทนั้นก็ต้องจ่ายภาษีโลกร้อนเพิ่มเข้ามา แต่โรงงานนั้นก็ไม่เดือดร้อนนัก เพราะสามารถกระจายภาระภาษีไปให้แก่ผู้บริโภคได้ ถึงตอนนั้นผู้บริโภคจะหลับหูหลับตาอนุมัติให้สร้างโรงไฟฟ้าถ่านหินต่อไป ขอเพียงให้พ้นบ้านตัวเองเท่านั้น ก็ตามใจ เพราะทุกโรงไฟฟ้าถ่านหิน ค่าไฟฟ้าไม่ได้ถูกลง แต่กลับแพงขึ้น

ในทางตรงกันข้าม หากมีกระบวนการผลิตให้เลือกและในเงื่อนไขที่เป็นไปได้ ผู้ผลิตยังเลือกที่จะปล่อยก๊าซเรือนกระจกจำนวนมาก เช่น โรงงานอุตสาหกรรมทั้งหลายที่ไม่ยอมบำบัดน้ำเสีย ก็ควรต้องรับผิดชอบกับค่าปรับโลกร้อนเองโดยตรง

แต่น่าประหลาดที่ในเมืองไทย หลักปฏิบัติที่เขาใช้กันทั่วไปสำหรับจัดการกับการ "ละเมิด" ต่อสังคม กลับมักเป็นตรงข้าม กล่าวคือผลักภาระการ "ละเมิด" นั้นไปให้คนเล็กสุดรับเอาไว้ แล้วปกป้องผู้บริโภคกับนายทุนให้พ้นจากความรับผิดชอบเสีย หากผู้บริโภคไม่ต้องรับผิดชอบ การบริโภคก็ยังดำเนินต่อไปโดยไม่สะดุด และนายทุนก็สามารถทำกำไรได้โดยไม่สะดุดเช่นกัน

ภาษีสิ่งแวดล้อมหรือภาษีโลกร้อนจึงไม่มีใช้ในเมืองไทย และตราบเท่าที่ไม่ยอมรับหลักการดังกล่าวข้างต้น หากขืนมีใช้ให้ได้ ก็น่ากลัวว่าจะกลายเป็นภาระอันหนักของคนตัวเล็กๆ... อย่างถูกต้องตามกฎหมายเสียด้วย

ในรอบ 1-2 สัปดาห์ที่ผ่านมาเช่นกัน ยังมีข่าวชวนสับสนอีกเรื่องหนึ่งคือ เมื่อมีเหตุขัดข้องทางเทคนิคกับระบบส่งก๊าซธรรมชาติ ทั้งจากอ่าวไทยและพม่าพร้อมกัน กำลังการผลิตไฟฟ้าของ กฟผ.ก็ลดลงอย่างฮวบฮาบ จำเป็นต้องหาทางผลิตไฟฟ้าเพิ่มขึ้นอย่างรีบด่วน

กฟผ.เหลือทางเลือกอยู่เพียงสองอย่าง คือผลิตไฟฟ้าจากกำลังน้ำที่เขื่อนศรีนครินทร์ กาญจนบุรี เวลาที่กะทันหันเช่นนั้นย่อมเตือนภัยประชาชนที่อยู่อาศัยริมน้ำใต้เขื่อนไม่ทันเป็นธรรมดา หรือสอง ผลิตไฟฟ้าจากน้ำมัน ซึ่งแน่นอนว่าต้องมีต้นทุนสูงกว่าพลังน้ำมาก

กฟผ.เลือกการผลิตไฟฟ้าฉุกเฉินด้วยพลังน้ำ และเกิดความเสียหายหลายประการแก่ประชาชนท้ายเขื่อน เพราะน้ำขึ้นอย่างรวดเร็วจนเก็บข้าวของไม่ทัน

เหตุใด กฟผ.จึงใช้ทางเลือกนี้ คำตอบที่เห็นได้ชัดก็คือ เพราะต้นทุนจะต่ำสุด แต่ที่ต้นทุนต่ำได้นั้นก็เพราะประชาชนท้ายเขื่อนเป็นผู้แบกรับต้นทุนส่วนใหญ่เอาไว้ หมายความว่าบ้านเรือนที่ใช้ไฟฟ้าในช่วงนั้น รวมทั้งโรงงานอุตสาหกรรมซึ่งไม่ต้องหยุดเครื่องระหว่างนั้น อันเป็นความเสียหายมีมูลค่าสูงมาก ได้ใช้ไฟฟ้าในราคาเดิม บนความเสียหายของทรัพย์สินชาวบ้านท้ายเขื่อนศรีนครินทร์

ก็เรื่องเดิมอีกเช่นเคย คนเล็กๆ คือผู้แบกรับภาระรับผิดชอบก่อนเสมอ

เวลานี้ ชาวบ้านท้ายเขื่อนกำลังเรียกร้องค่าเสียหาย เฉพาะวันแรกวันเดียวที่เปิดให้แจ้ง ก็รวมมูลค่าความเสียหายไปแล้วถึง 50 ล้านบาท แพงกว่าที่จะใช้น้ำมันแก้ปัญหาฉุกเฉินอย่างเทียบกันไม่ได้

แต่ กฟผ.ตั้งอยู่ในประเทศไทยมานาน ย่อมรู้ดีว่า ในที่สุด กฟผ.ก็ไม่ต้องจ่าย หรือจ่ายเพียงเล็กน้อยเท่านั้น เพราะนโยบายหลักของประเทศไทยก็คือ คนเล็กๆ รับภาระรับผิดชอบค่าใช้จ่ายของภาวะฉุกเฉินก่อนเสมอ ขณะนี้ กฟผ.กำลังมองหากฎหมายว่าจะจ่ายค่าเสียหายนี้ได้อย่างไร และพบว่าไม่มีกฎหมาย ฉะนั้นต้องเสนอให้ร่างกฎหมายขึ้นมาเพื่อการนี้ในภายหน้า

ตอนนี้ยังจ่ายไม่ได้ และการตัดสินใจของ กฟผ.ที่จะแก้ปัญหาไฟฟ้าขาดฉุกเฉินอย่างที่ได้ตัดสินใจไปแล้วนั้น ก็ถูกต้องอยู่แล้ว

ปรากฏการณ์พิลึกพิลั่นเหล่านี้ เป็นเพียงผิวนอกที่เรามองเห็นได้จากความไม่เป็นธรรมเชิงโครงสร้าง ที่ครอบงำสังคมการเมืองไทยอย่างลึกซึ้งตลอดมา การเมืองใหม่ที่พร่ำเพ้อแต่หลักการเชิงศีลธรรมของนักการเมืองก็ตาม การเคลื่อนไหวเพื่อแสวงหาความเป็นธรรมให้พันตำรวจโท ทักษิณ ชินวัตร ก็ตาม ล้วนเป็นเรื่องขี้ปะติ๋ว เมื่อเทียบกับความไม่เป็นธรรมเชิงโครงสร้างที่เราเผชิญอยู่

การใช้ความรุนแรง (ในทุกความหมาย) เป็นเครื่องมือในความขัดแย้งก็เป็นเรื่องเศร้าอยู่แล้ว แต่มาคิดถึงความขี้ปะติ๋วของประเด็นที่ขัดแย้งกัน ยิ่งทำให้น่าเศร้าขึ้นไปอีก

ถึงจะสมานฉันท์กันได้สักวันหนึ่ง ก็คงสมานฉันท์กันในเรื่องขี้ปะติ๋วเท่านั้น

หน้า 6

(www.matichon.co.th/matichon/view_news.php?newsid=01act01240852&sectionid=0130&day=2009-08-24)

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“คนเล็กจ่ายก่อน” เป็นอย่างนี้มาตั้งนานแล้วครับ.. ถูกยัดเยียดให้จ่ายทั้งรู้ตัวและไม่รู้ตัว ความจริงแทบจะทุกเรื่องแหละครับ โดยมากถูกปิดปากไม่ให้โวยด้วย เราถูกปั่นหัวให้คุยกัน/ตั้งความหวังกับเรื่อง “คนดี” จนไม่คิดพัฒนา “ระบบ” อย่างจริงจังเสียที สังคมไทยจึงขาดวุฒิภาวะ เวียนวนแต่การทำลายล้างกัน การเมืองใหม่เนื้อแท้ก็คิดในกรอบ “คนดี” คือคำตอบสุดท้ายของสังคมการเมืองไทย ตามหาอัศวินม้าขาวกันต่อไปครับ.

รอยเตอร์วิเคราะห์เศรษฐกิจไทยฟื้น

2009-08-24T04:31:00.000-07:00

รอยเตอร์วิเคราะห์เศรษฐกิจไทยฟื้น นักลงทุนต่างชาติเริ่มเชื่อมั่นประเทศไทย

สำนักข่าวรอยเตอร์นำเสนอบทวิเคราะห์การฟื้นตัวของเศรษฐกิจไทย เมื่อวันที่ 23 สิงหาคม ว่า บรรดานักลงทุนต่างชาติกลับเข้ามาลงทุนในไทยอีกครั้งแม้จะเกิดวิกฤตการเมืองต่อเนื่องช่วง 3 ปีที่ผ่านมา เห็นได้จากการฟื้นตัวของตลาดหลักทรัพย์และการแข็งค่าของเงินบาท... รอยเตอร์ระบุด้วยว่า นักวิเคราะห์เห็นตรงกันว่า พ.ต.ท.ทักษิณ กำลังพยายามขัดขวางไม่ให้นายอภิสิทธิ์มีอำนาจแข็งแกร่งได้ โดยหวังว่าจะสร้างปัญหาได้มากพอที่จะทำให้ต้องยุบสภา และมีการเลือกตั้งใหม่ซึ่งอาจเป็นไปได้ว่าจะมีขึ้นในปี 2553 (มติชนออนไลน์, 24 สิงหาคม 2552)

แต่เอ๊ะ!.. ทำไมเราประชาชนคนเดินดินกลับรู้สึกว่า เศรษฐกิจการทำมาหารายได้เลี้ยงชีพมีแต่ทรงกับทรุดล่ะ? คุยกับแม่ค้า พ่อค้า คนขับแท็กซี่ มอไซด์รับจ้าง ฯลฯ ต่างก็รู้สึกคล้ายกัน.. การบริหารนโยบายเศรษฐกิจของรัฐบาลดูจะไม่ค่อยเห็นผลเลย คำถามคือปัญหาอยู่ที่ทักษิณฯขัดขวาง หรือว่าสมรรถภาพการบริหารของรัฐบาลเอง?

Foreigners 'own 90% of Phuket beach land'

2009-08-24T03:57:00.000-07:00

Report says land grab rife in tourist spots

Writer: PENCHAN CHAROENSUTHIPAN

Published: 24/08/2009 at 12:00 AM

About 90% of beach land in Phuket is controlled by foreigners through Thai nominees, a leading research body has found.

A similar situation exists in other prime tourism destinations in provinces such as Chiang Mai and Rayong.

Local officials and legal experts have helped clear the way for foreign investors to take control of the country's rice farms and property in resort provinces, according to research on foreign land ownership by the Thailand Research Fund.

TRF called a seminar on the research findings yesterday attended by economics and legal scholars.

There recently has been speculation that foreign businessmen, particularly from the Middle East, were snapping up rice fields in the central plains and elsewhere through proxy local companies.

Transnational business consortiums were said to be holding the land through Thai nominees, which is against the law.

Some farmers are leasing land they previously owned but have since sold to the foreigners' proxy firms, observers said.

Siriporn Sajjanont, from the economics faculty at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University and a member of the research team, said the study showed many kinds of property had been bought by foreigners through Thai nominees.

"About 90% of land along the coastline in Phuket is controlled by foreigners through Thai nominees," she said.

Foreign investment capital was essential for developing Phuket and Samui, as Thais do not have enough money to invest themselves, Ms Siriporn said.

The coastal areas most sought after by foreign investors were Pattaya in Chon Buri, Koh Phangan and Koh Samui in Surat Thani, Phuket and Hua Hin in Prachuap Khiri Khan.

In Chiang Mai, foreigners had used legal loopholes to exceed the limit on sales of condominium units, Ms Siriporn said.

There was evidence they hold the property through Thai nominees by marrying Thais. In some cases, Thai women were asked to register the foreigners' property in their own names.

The study found similar problems in Rayong involving foreign landholdings through Thai nominees with foreigners marrying Thais.

In some land lease cases, the period of leasehold was unusually long, Ms Siriporn said. The study found that some lease contracts stated the leasehold was "for life".

Land ownership by foreigners had been made possible by their Thai lawyers who had found legal loopholes to clear the way for foreigners to take control, the research found.

Village heads also had acted as land brokers to arrange sales of state land given to local people so they could make a living, the panellists said.

Village heads were close to residents and knew which prime land was available.

Some legal entities had been set up with 51% of shares held by Thais, although those Thais turned out to be mere legal advisers for foreigners and had no power to run the legal entities, Ms Siriporn said.

"We also found the same people had set up many entities," she said.

Some entities' regulations on shareholding structures allowed foreign shareholders more power than Thais in running those entities.

Col Surin Pikulthong, president of the Community Organisations Development Institute, said he had received information that Hmong people in the US had provided financial support for Hmong in Nan province to buy land and grow rice for shipment to the US.

Silaporn Buasai, vice-president of the institute, said she had heard that investors from Taiwan had bought land here for growing oranges to be sold in Taiwan.

Wichian Phuanglamjiak, vice-president of the Thai Rice Growers' Association, said rice farmers held additional information on land grabs by foreign investors.

He said the problem had remained unaddressed for too long and no state agency had taken the matter seriously.

Mr Wichian said farmers were pinning their hopes on the Department of Special Investigation to pursue the matter.

DSI investigator Pakorn Sucheevakul on Saturday said the agency was investigating four Thai companies in Ayutthaya which own rice farms of almost 10,000 rai.

Malee Antasin, 59, a farmer in Ayutthaya's Bang Ban district, said businessmen had bought many plots in her village since 1995.

She said she had felt "besieged" and pressured to sell her rice plot as her land had been enclosed by other plots owned by those investors. She was now taking the matter to court.

Source : bangkokpost.com

Dollars in the paddies

2009-08-05T20:17:00.000-07:00

Local News

AGRICULTURE

DSI probes foreign money in paddies

Published: 6/08/2009 at 12:00 AM

Farmers from Nakhon Pathom will submit evidence to the Department of Special Investigation today to support claims foreign investors are illegally acquiring paddy fields through Thai nominees.

The move comes as the DSI looks into a report that foreigners are buying and leasing land for rice farming with the help of nominee companies.

The action violates the law which allows only joint ventures between foreigners and Thais to operate farm businesses.

· See our editorial:Worse worries than land grab

But the report needs to be examined to answer questions over the alleged land acquisitions which have been deemed as causing "enormous damage" to farmers, Thai Farmers Association president Prasit Boonchoey said.

A DSI source said the agency had sent an investigative team to Ayutthaya, a rice-growing province in the Central Plain.

The DSI expected its investigation to take about two weeks. If it uncovered illegal acts, the agency would inspect paddy fields in other regions, he said.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said he had asked the Commerce Ministry to look into the allegations. Farming is reserved for Thais only, he said.

Meanwhile, rice farmers in Ayutthaya's Bang Ban, Sena and Phak Hai districts have decided to leave their farms after their attempts to ask a landlord to extend their leases failed, said Somjit Jankaew, 55, a farmer from Lat Bua Luang district.

They are among 80 farmers whose rental period expired after being allowed to farm on more than 5,000 rai, owned by a private company, for more than 10 years.

A company representative said it had no policy to renew the farming period but would help farmers by allowing them two years to leave, one year more than required by law, Mr Somjit said.

"The farmers are now divided," Mr Somjit said. "One still goes ahead with their request while the other gives up."

Those who are still confident about their effort to stay on the land have asked Ayutthaya's state attorney office to help them negotiate with the company to give them four more years of farming.

If the company does not change its policy, the farmers would leave, Mr Somjit said. Many rice farmers enter into "unofficial contracts", requiring no documents, with landlords.

(www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/21538/dsi-probes-foreign-money-in-paddies)

Flu's fatalities reaches 81 Wednesday

2009-08-05T01:36:00.000-07:00

TYPE A (H1N1)

Flu's fatalities reaches 81 Wednesday

By Pongphon Sarnsamak
The Nation

Thailand on Wednesday announced an additional 16 fatalities of new strain of influenza, bringing the country's death toll to 81, Deputy Permanent Secretary for Public Health Dr Paijit Warachit said.

The figure was lower than the previous week's toll of 21, which the Public Health Ministry attributed to the public's more awareness of the virus.

"People have a better understanding of the flu and better access to the anti-viral drug Tamiflu," a statement from the ministry said.

Nine men and seven women were killed by influenza between July 26 and August 2, 12 of whom had underlying illnesses when they became infected, it said.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/08/05/national/national_30109149.php)

Travellers warned of plague in China

2009-08-03T05:28:00.000-07:00

In 1910, when Manchuria, the north eastern part of China was invaded by a pneumonic plague, a valiant fighter against the disease emerged in the form of Dr. Wu Lien- teh. Leading a group of inspired medical personnel, Dr. Wu researched countless scientific methods in an attempt to contain the plague. His efforts eventually resulted in a breakthrough in the medical world. ( channelnewsasia,jan 22,2009)

Health

Travellers warned of plague in China

Writer: BangkokPost.com

Published: 3/08/2009 at 02:33 PM

The Public Health Ministry warns people planning to visit China to be careful because there is a pneumonic plague outbreak.

Public Health Minister Witthaya Kaewparadai said on Monday that victims of the plague can die within 24 hours after being infected with the disease.

Two people had died of pneumonic plague in northwestern province of Qinghai, China.

The re ws no sign of the desease in Thailand at the this stage, Dr Witthaya said.

The minister said he had instructed health permanent secretary Prat Boonyawongvirote to closely monitor the situation and check the level of severity and the plague-hit areas in China.

Safety measures would be prepared for people travelling to China during this period, he said.

He warned travellers to look after their health and hygiene to protect themselves from pneumonic plague, A(H1N1) flu and other communicable diseases.

(www.bangkokpost.com/news/health/150990/travellers-warned-of-plague-in-china)

UDD sets new petition date

2009-08-03T04:51:00.000-07:00

source : bangkokpost.com

Politics

UDD to submit petition on Aug 17

Writer: BangkokPost.com

Published: 3/08/2009 at 02:40 PM

Bowing to a barrage of criticism that Aug 7 is inappropriate, the UDD has set a new date to submit its petition for a royal pardon for fugitive former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra,

The United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship has settled on Monday Aug 17, the same day the Supreme Court is due to deliver its verdict in the rubber saplings corruption case, which involves many former Thaksin cabinet ministers including Bumjaithai defacto leader Newin Chidchob.

Originally, the red-shirted group planned to submit the petition and lists of supporting signatures on Aug 7. However, the choice of the date was slammed as being inappropriate by critics who pointed out that it is known as “Gun Explosion Day” -- the date the outlawed Communist Party of Thailand launched its war of liberation against the Establishment in 1965.

UDD core leader Veera Musikhapong said on Monday that so far 5.4 million people had signed the petition. Another leader, Natthawut Saikua, said he would file a complaint with the National Anti-Corruption Commission against Interior Minister Chavarat Charnvirakul and his deputy, Boonjong Wongtrairat, accusing them of abuse of authority for attempting to prevent Thaksin’s supporters signing the pardon petition.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said on Sunday that he would have the signature lists checked to find out any of those who signed the petition did so under duress or after being misled.

The Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions is due to deliver its verdict in the rubber saplings corruption case on Aug 7. The case concerns a government project to provide 90 million rubber saplings to farmers at a cost of 1.440 billion baht.

The saplings were provided by Charoek Pokphand, Resort Land and Ek Charoen companies.

A total of 44 former cabinet members of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai party and government officials were charged in the case and put on trial. They include former deputy prime minister Somkid Jatusripitak in his capacity as chairman of the committee to assist farmers, former finance minister Varathep Rattanakorn, former agriculture minister Sora-ath Klinprathum, former commerce minister Adisai Potharamik and Newin Chidchob, who was then deputy agriculture minister in the Thaskin government.

The UDD has claimed the Bhumjaithai party’s recent role in organising a campaign against the signature collection drive might be intended to influence the Supreme Court’s decision in the case.

This suggestion that the verdict may be somehow compromised is widely viewed as an insult to the court.

(www.bangkokpost.com/news/politics/150991/udd-to-submit-pardon-petition-on-august-17)

CIA could help solve the Hmong stalemate

2009-08-02T21:31:00.000-07:00

By The Nation
Published on August 3, 2009

Refugees resist repatriation plans as three nations push to decide their fate

The United States should offer some technical assistance to Thailand and Laos to handle the issue of Hmong refugees being sheltered in Phetchabun's Ban Huay Nam Khao and detained in Nong Khai to help them lead new lives faster.

Walking through, smiling and issuing press statements to voice humanitarian concerns will not help them escape their bad situation.

Samuel Witten, principal deputy assistant secretary for the State Department's Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration, led a US delegation to visit the Hmong both in Phetchabun and Nong Khai last week but again failed to make any change for the ethnic minority.

His visit did not help solve the problem but made the issue more complicated, as some Hmong misunderstood that Washington had sent a signal to take them for resettlement in the US.

Rather than announcing to all at the camp what the US wants to do or does not want to do, the US officials chose to meet quietly with Thai military officers and some representatives of the Hmong.

A Hmong who met with the US officials told reporters that he got the message from the US officials that Washington would not accept them for resettlement.

However it was unclear whether the Hmong representatives who met the US officials would relay the message accurately to their followers in the camp.

Some Hmong told the media later that they did not know why the US officials visited the camp. Some said they did not believe the US would not take the Hmong for resettlement as their relatives in the US called to tell them that they still have a chance to seek better lives in America.

Rather than talking to thousands of Hmong directly, Witten issued a press statement on Friday to wrap up his visit, saying the US government has no plans for a large-scale resettlement programme for Lao Hmong in Thailand but the US Refugee Admissions Programme will consider referrals on a case-by-case basis.

Witten called for the Nong Khai Hmong, who have been detained by Thai authorities for over two-and-a-half years, not to be returned involuntarily to Laos and instead, for humanitarian reasons, to be released immediately from the Nong Khai facility.

The US delegation demanded an appropriate and transparent screening process to identify those detainees who may have protection concerns. Those Lao Hmong who are found to be in need of protection should not be forcibly returned to Laos, it said.

The Hmong refugee issue is complicated and could not be solved easily by a statement from the US.

Thailand has sheltered thousands of Hmong since late 2004. The Hmong claim they are close associates of the US Central Intelligence Agency's secret operatives who fought against the communist movement before the fall of Vientiane in 1975. They say they fled their homeland due to suppression from Lao authorities and want to seek asylum in third countries, notably the US.

Some sneaked out of the camp and tried to seek protection from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Bangkok but were arrested, and 158 Hmong are now being held in Nong Khai for illegal entry.

The Hmong in the Ban Huay Nam Khao shelter could be classified into three groups. Most are really economic migrants from Laos. The second group comprises Hmong who were left over after the closure of the Tham Krabok monastery and the US resettlement programme in 2005. The last group with some 500 members might really have some connection with the CIA's fighters.

Since Thailand and Laos agreed in 2006 to repatriate the Hmong to Laos, more than 2,900 have been sent back. The Thai government set a timeframe to return the 4,645 remaining people by the end of September. The project is backed by a budget of Bt26 million.

However the repatriation plan could not be enforced easily since it runs against the Hmong's freewill, notably those who claimed they are close associates of the CIA and fear suppression from the Lao government.

Brig-General Buaxieng Champaphan, co-chairman of the Thai-Lao general border subcommittee, who visited the Hmong in Ban Huay Nam Khao in February, dismissed the allegation and guaranteed that no Hmong would be punished upon return.

Buaxieng is set to lead a Lao delegation to visit the Hmong again on Friday to convince them to return home. The Lao authorities have prepared houses, land and infrastructure for the Hmong returnees. The facility for them in Vientiane province's Ban Pha Lak has been visited by outsiders including diplomats, journalists and officials from Thailand and the US several times.

The problem is that no Hmong in Thailand believes Laos. They resist the repatriation plan and retain the hope of resettlement with assistance from their former boss, Uncle Sam.

Rather than simply calling for transparency in the screening process, Washington should make clear to them who are qualified for resettlement;which cases could be applied and which cases could not.

The CIA, which is supposed to have a solid database on its Hmong secret fighters, should offer its hand to help verify who really has connections with the secret war. Attention and visits by officials from Washington under the name of humanitarian concern do not help fix any problem but only inspire the Hmong to continue their dream and prolong the waiting time.

Like everyone else, the Hmong have the right to lead better lives, rather than subsist in shelters and detention centres while facing an unclear future.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/topstory/30108901/CIA-could-help-solve-the-Hmong-stalemate)

Thailand cracks down on Web users for royal 'slurs'

2009-08-01T04:11:00.001-07:00

Sentenced: Suwicha Thakhor left a Bangkok court in April after being given a 10-year jail term for posting a YouTube video that was deemed offensive to Thai royals. REUTERS

Thailand cracks down on Web users for royal 'slurs'

Webmasters face criminal charges for comments posted on their websites deemed offensive to the royal family.

By Simon Montlake | Correspondent

from the July 26, 2009 edition

BANGKOK, THAILAND - Using a combination of high-tech online sleuthing and a century-old royal defamation law, Thai authorities are tightening the screws on free speech here during a sensitive time for its influential monarchy.

Caught in the middle are Thailand's webmasters, who face criminal charges over some of the impassioned comments posted on their websites. Police have accused webmasters of breaking a computer-crime law that puts the onus on them to delete uploaded data that could threaten national security. Several thousand Web pages have been blocked for their royal content.

For those caught posting comments or images deemed offensive to the royal family, the consequences are severe. In April, Suwicha Thakhor, an engineer and political activist, was sentenced to 10 years in jail for uploading antiroyal videos on YouTube. Dozens of other Internet users have been arrested, too.

Mr. Suwicha was found guilty under Thailand's law against lèse-majesté that makes it a crime to defame royalty. It applies to any kind of speech or writings, and its use has skyrocketed in recent years during a protracted political crisis that has lapped at the palace doors.

King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the world's longest-reigning monarch (six decades and counting), is widely revered in Thailand for his moral guidance and for steering the country through previous political impasses. But his age and fading health have raised deep concerns for stability under his designated successor, Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, who lacks his father's stature.

GOVERNMENT CRACKDOWN LEADS TO SELF-CENSORSHIP

In addition to the charge of lèse-majesté, Suwicha was the first person to be convicted under the computer-crime law, which was passed in 2007. His case and other pending prosecutions have had a chilling effect in cyberspace, according to Thai website operators, free-speech activists, and human-rights groups, who say the result is greater self-censorship.

"People are understandably fearful that their information or commentary could run afoul of the law, and so they err on the side of withholding it," says Benjamin Zawacki, a researcher on Southeast Asia for Amnesty International.

By defining lèse-majesté as a matter of national security, authorities have added teeth to the computer-crime law, which carries a maximum five-year jail term. Last month, a judge ordered the trial of a woman (who made an antiroyal public speech in 2008) to be closed to the public on grounds of national security. Her lawyer has contested the ruling.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who took power in December after months of paralyzing protests, has said he wants to strike a balance between free speech and respect for the constitutional monarchy. Critics say he has failed and is unwilling to take on conservatives in his administration that are leading the crackdown.

INTERNET FREEDOM FADES

As in China, the Internet offers far more freedom than Thailand's mainstream media for discussing taboo topics. But that started to change in 2006, after the military ousted popular Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

As editor of Same Sky Books, a left-leaning periodical (online and print), Thanapol Eawsakul has often run afoul of Thai authorities.

In recent months, his site's Web boards have hosted lively debates on political upheaval and the role of the palace. Traffic on the website spiked last December when royalist protesters wearing yellow, the king's color, occupied Bangkok's airports in defiance of an elected government.

In January, authorities shut down the site, but it was moved to an overseas host server. Police have since questioned Mr. Thanapol and ordered him to delete allegedly offensive comments from the boards.

Using the computer-crime law, police can force webmasters to disclose data that allows IP address tracing. The editor of Prachatai, a news website and forum that covers sensitive topics, has been charged under the computer-crime law and faces up to 50 years in jail, if convicted.

Thanapol argues that open debate is healthy for everyone. "It should be advantageous for the royal family. We hold up a mirror that reflects back to them. Some people might not like this," he says.

ENFORCEMENT OF LÈSE-MAJESTÉ LAW

It's unclear to what extent the crackdown is supported by those whom it is supposed to protect. Speaking on condition of anonymity, a source close to the palace denies any encouragement for the wave of arrests. "Nobody at the palace is driving this," the source says.

Experts say the law against lèse-majesté is often exploited by politicians to smear their opponents in the knowledge that authorities will feel obliged to investigate to prove their own fealty. Mr. Thaksin has repeatedly been accused of disloyalty to the throne.

At the Ministry of Information and Communications Technology, a 24-hour war room monitors the Internet. A senior official, Aree Jiworarak, says 90 percent of the sites the ministry blocks are outside Thailand, complicating investigations of lèse-majesté.

In 2007, Thailand pulled the plug for several months on YouTube after antiroyal videos appeared. YouTube later agreed to block access in Thailand to videos deemed offensive to the monarchy, as it does in Germany with illegal Nazi content.

Mr. Aree complains that YouTube last year stopped responding to his frequent requests to block videos, forcing the ministry to do its own blocking. Scott Rubin, a spokesman for Google, said he wasn't aware of this and that the policy on country-specific blocking hadn't changed.

Aree says the royal family is informed about his investigations, as well as similar work by other government agencies. But he denies that this means a push for prosecutions. "We don't want people to think that the royal family are behind these arrests," he says.

(www.csmonitor.com/2009/0729/p06s11-wosc.html)

Real reconciliation can only be achieved if everyone wants it

2009-08-01T03:49:00.000-07:00

Published on August 1, 2009

DR HANNS SCHUMACHER, the German ambassador to Thailand, delivered a compelling speech on national "reconciliation" the other day at an event held by alumni associations of the National Defence College and Thammasat University.

The envoy offered some valuable insights that could be used in resolving political conflicts in Thailand, where the rifts have only been widening since the ouster of fugitive ex-premierThaksin Shinawatra in 2006.

First of all, before national reconciliation can proceed, an honest attempt should come from within society, because this cannot be achieved if a third party continues interfering, the envoy noted.

"There is no tailor-made solution that can be applied. Each country, each society, each government must find its own way out of the doldrums, and believe me: there is nobody who can help you if you don't want it honestly yourself," Schumacher said, partly referring to his own country's experience in reconciliation.

Secondly, he said he believed that reconciliation was not possible if powers that be did not accept responsibility, citing the Nuremberg trials after World War II.

Thirdly, he said society needed strong and visionary leadership willing to overcome domestic opposition so as to be successful in national reconciliation.

In this context, he cited the outstanding leadership of South Africa's Nelson Mandela, who despite being locked up in prison for 27 years still managed to achieve the monumental task of reconciliation.

Other visionary leaders were also mentioned, including Konrad Adenauer, who started the German-Jewish reconciliation process.

Besides leadership, other ingredients for successful reconciliation include tolerance, forgiveness and punishment, all of which are closely related.

"Real tolerance is a state of mind that makes you understand that there are no nations or individuals which are superior to others," he explained.

"In this context, permit me to say, I was clearly appalled by the initial consideration of the PAD [People's Alliance for Democracy] to introduce a balanced voting system in Thailand, which would have given 'uneducated' farmers in the Northeast less influence in Parliament than other groups of society.

"This kind of democracy would clearly rip apart any society.

"Meaningful tolerance includes forgiving and the renunciation of revenge. Without mutual forgiving, without overcoming hatred, there is no permanent peace.

"This cannot mean that crimes can go unpunished. This is the most difficult thin line to walk, where forgiveness is necessary to bring peace to a society and where punishment is required to do justice to the victims.

"The German word Vers๖hnung covers this aspect much better than the English word reconciliation. The German word includes a strong element of atonement or s๖hnen - the idea that a perpetrator needs to pay the penalty for whatever crimes, human-rights abuses or else that he or she has committed.

"The creation of the International Criminal Court [ICC] exemplifies a generally acknowledged finding that serious crimes against humanity cannot go unpunished, otherwise the affected society will never be able to achieve peace and reconciliation," he noted.

The ICC is regarded as one of the most revolutionary developments in international law over the last four decades.

As a parting shot, the ambassador said: "People who fight fire with fire usually end up in ashes."

If history is any guide, this statement has always proved to be correct.

"In a country like Thailand, where jai yen is a highly esteemed state of mind, no fire should be allowed to rampage. You need strong firefighters, not arsonists!"

The remarks are timely, given that the political scene in Thailand could be rather fiery in the coming months.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/08/01/opinion/opinion_30108838.php)

Color-coded contest for Thailand's north

2009-07-31T21:59:00.000-07:00

Red Shirts group gathered at Sanam Luang July 31,2009

Southeast Asia

Jul 31, 2009

AN ATOL INVESTIGATION

Color-coded contest for Thailand's north

By Shawn Kelley

CHIANG MAI - When a government delegation led by Thai Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij landed in Chiang Mai earlier this month, it was met at the airport by some 200 anti-government protesters wearing red shirts, including one with a loaded gun. The would-be assailant circled the airport several times in his car before being stopped and arrested by police.

The protesters later hurled rocks and small homemade explosives into a crowd that inflicted minor injuries to around a dozen or so police officials near a local police station. The incident represented the latest show of force by Thailand's sometimes peaceful, sometimes volatile red-shirt movement, which draws inspiration from former prime minister and fugitive from Thai justice Thaksin Shinawatra.

The exiled former leader's popularity continues to run strong in northern and northeastern regions due to the pro-poor policies he implemented and marketed through state media during his six-year tenure. His populist message has had special resonance in Chiang Mai, where he was born and from where his family hails.

How far Thaksin's red-garbed protest movement, known broadly as the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), is willing to go to press its demands for new snap elections, the restoration of the 1997 constitution and broadly an end to a political order they say is dominated by the military and royalist elite will be key to stability in the months and perhaps years ahead.

The UDD last ramped up their protests in April, when Thaksin called radically for a "people's revolution" against the government and a broad "aristocracy", including apparently the members of the royal advisory Privy Council that UDD leaders pilloried during their on-stage protests.

Thaksin's rally call from exile galvanized a crowd of tens of thousands in early and mid-April and later sparked scenes of chaos and violence on the streets of Bangkok that were eventually put down by the military. More recently, his supporters held a remote birthday party for their exiled leader, to which the now 60-year-old called in by satellite link and sang a song. The UDD is now leading a controversial petition drive, calling for a royal pardon for Thaksin.

Prime Minster Abhisit Vejajiva and his Democrat Party-led coalition government have presided over a three-month period of relative political calm, notwithstanding the occasional red-shirt rally. His party plans to ramp up fiscal spending and made-for-media roadshows to market government projects before calling new general elections, expected some time in 2010.

The northern region, which accounts for some 75 MP seats out of 480 total, will be pivotal to whether the Democrats beat out the Thaksin-aligned Peua Thai Party, which configured as the now banned People's Power Party won the 2007 elections. But as Abhisit and his party push to win support in the northern provinces, where the Democrats previously had substantial influence before Thaksin's spectacular rise in 2001, the contest for hearts and minds in the region will be especially pitched.

Finance Minister Korn has said the north will receive the greatest share of the US$44 billion the government recently earmarked for fiscal stimulus, money that they clearly hope will achieve electoral results. But the reds could yet stir enough instability and civil disobedience to render that electoral strategy ineffective.

Thailand's conflict has variously been portrayed as a struggle between rich and poor, urban and rural, feudalists and democrats, with the red shirts claiming to represent the latter in the characterizations. But the country is more clearly divided on regional lines, with the wealthier Bangkok and southern region favoring the Democrat Party, and the poorer but more populous north and northeastern regions leaning strongly towards Thaksin.

The broad brushstroke categorizations, however, do not account for the many exceptions, particularly in the northern city of Chiang Mai where there are plenty of rich and poor on both sides of the political divide. Nor do they account for the many northerners who would rather steer clear of taking political sides, either out of fear, lack of interest or distrust of the competing red and yellow shirt protest leaders.

Yet even those who claim neutrality in the north often share the red shirts' frustration with the military's political resurgence and cynicism about an electoral process in which their elected representatives are frequently deposed through perceived undemocratic means, including through court decisions they believe are politically biased.

Rowdy reds
That sentiment has been mobilized in recent red shirt protests. When the April protests reached their chaotic height in Bangkok, hundreds of red-shirted protestors across the north blocked major highways and stormed the offices of state-run television stations to protest the government's perceived biased reporting on the events and the forced closure of the Thaksin-aligned D-Station satellite TV network.

Yet despite that strategic response, northern Thailand's red shirt groups are varied and only loosely aligned with one another. Many have adopted martial symbols, taking on names like Phayao Army, the 24 June Democracy of Chiang Rai, named to commemorate the date of the fall of the absolute monarchy in 1932, and the Lanna People's Council, to emphasize northern regional identity.

Some groups take their cues directly from the Bangkok-based UDD, while others are more independent and in certain instances have turned their backs on Thaksin and the UDD entirely. A number have formed along neighborhood lines, led by people who have broken away from the main red shirt leaders because of personal differences. Some broke ranks because they felt unfairly compensated for their efforts in mobilizing local support for red shirt causes.

The most active and controversial of the northern red groups, led by hardcore Thaksin loyalists who first came out three years ago to oppose his military ouster, calls itself Rak Chiang Mai 51. But the group's sometimes violent protest activities have belied to some degree the broad red shirt movement's rally cry for "real democracy".

Months before their attempt to thwart the finance minister's visit to Chiang Mai, in November the group instigated a mob of a few hundred people, many armed with guns, knives and homemade weapons, to blockade the entrance to the home and office of Terdsak Jiamkitwattana, a radio journalist and former Thaksin supporter who switched political sides after the 2006 coup.

The shut-in lasted several hours and gunshots were reportedly fired at Terdsak's Radio Vihok news station. As Terdsak's 60-year-old father, Setha, himself a former news reporter, attempted to drive through the cordon, he was dragged out of his automobile by protestors and savagely killed after being beaten, stabbed and shot. Fearing another round of attacks by red shirts, Terdsak delayed the funeral for several weeks.

Other northern red shirt groups have deployed less brutal but still violent tactics. During a by-election campaign held in January, former Democrat prime minister Chuan Leekpai was pelted with eggs and water bottles while canvassing for a local candidate in northern Lampang province. His van was later assaulted with eggs and other objects as he traveled to neighboring Lamphun.

A few years earlier, in the lead-up to the April 2006 elections which the Democrat Party boycotted and Thaksin's then Thai Rak Thai party statistically won, Chuan was struck by a chair thrown by a Thaksin supporter and other top Democrat party members were run off stage at an event in Chiang Mai city held to explain their withdrawal from the race.

The red shirts' message doesn't resonate across all northern constituencies. In February this year, aggrieved corn farmers who were camped in front of city hall requesting government assistance clashed briefly with Rak Chiang Mai 51 after rejecting overtures to join their more politically oriented demonstration. Several days later, a few dozen red shirts confronted organizers of a gay awareness parade in Chiang Mai city, declaring it a violation of the region's traditional values, and forced its cancellation moments before the procession was set to begin.

There have also been signs of dissension among the northern red shirt ranks. After disrupting the gay pride parade, at Chiang Mai city's railway station a minor altercation broke out between Rak Chiang Mai 51 members and two other red shirt groups that had broke away after falling out with key Rak Chiang Mai 51 leaders.

In the aftermath of the April protests, police issued arrest warrants for about a dozen or so red shirt leaders in the north and raided a handful of their aligned community radio stations for inciting the unrest. Lampang police reportedly seized nineteen .22 caliber pistols, 950 rounds of ammunition and computers from the Lanna People's Community Radio station.

The station was run by Natchai Insai, leader of the Chumchon Hak Lampang 51 (Lampang Loving People 51) and head of the pro-Thaksin Lampang Province Silver Plaque special tutoring school. Authorities later allowed the radio stations to resume broadcasting under the condition that they refrain from inciting supporters to disturb public order.

The crackdowns prompted former culture minister Worawat Ua-Apinyakul, a Peua Thai MP and prominent red-shirt organizer in the northern province of Phrae, to declare his intention to take the group's anti-government struggle underground, ominously warning that the north could turn more violent than the country's deep south, where a Muslim insurgency has claimed thousands of lives since re-igniting in 2004.

A Western intelligence official based in Chiang Mai says red shirt threats to wage a "people's war" or underground guerilla campaign against the government reflect the movement's feeling "cornered and frustrated" and slipping into "crash mode". Worawat's call echoed Bangkok-based UDD leader Jakrapob Penkair, who after the April military crackdown on the UDD's protest told international media of his intention to launch an underground armed struggle against the government. Jakrapob is currently in exile and so far there are no indications the mainstream red shirt movement supports his call to arms.

Kanyapak Maneejak, a popular red shirt-affiliated radio host in Chiang Mai better known as DJ Aom, dismisses the threats of armed struggle as so much posturing. She claims that many red shirt leaders in the north ramp up the rhetoric in hopes of gaining greater recognition and potential financial support from Thaksin.

DJ Aom, a frontline leader and regular radio presenter for Rak Chiang Mai 51, says she spent her childhood living at the Shinawatra family compound in nearby Sankhampaeng district, where her grandmother still lives. The offspring of the Shinawatra family's former groundskeepers now lives at the red shirts' main headquarters in Chiang Mai, at the Grand Worowot Palace hotel, a small, derelict building best known for its 24-hour snooker hall.

The snooker club's owner is the now daring but previously obscure Pechawat Wattanapongsirikul, the top leader of the red-garbed Rak Chiang Mai 51. The Lamphun native previously owned a small construction company and reportedly has close links to the locally influential Phuttapuan family. The Phuttapuans are political chameleons and have fielded candidates for elections under several party banners, including Thaksin's former Thai Rak Thai party, the Democrats and the former Chart Thai.

After the 2006 coup that ousted Thaksin, Petchawat initially formed the Thaksin Loving People group, before changing its name to Rak Chiang Mai 51 in August last year, or 2551 in the Thai Buddhist calendar. In the by-elections held in January, he was defeated by a Democrat-supported candidate, Khayan Vipromchai. Some here attributed the red shirt loss to his group's violent killing of radio commentator Terdsak's father last November and to a broader rejection of the red shirts' violent tactics.

DJ Aom claims the mob killing was an "accident" and blames a few unruly individuals for escalating the situation. She insists that her red shirt group remains popular, claiming at least 50,000 card-carrying members and at least twice that many unofficial members - although Rak Chiang Mai 51 events are seldom attended by more than several hundred supporters.

Besides staging demonstrations against government officials, the group also holds regular gatherings at the Worawot hotel, where leaders take to a stage set up in the street sometimes to launch tirades against their opponents or clamor for Thaksin's return. They also deliver more cogent talks on democracy and the need to bridge inequalities in Thai society.

The group has also organized boycotts of big businesses believed to be linked to Thaksin's rivals. In May, about 500 red shirts in Chiang Mai closed their personal accounts at Bangkok Bank, which they claim financially supported Thaksin's overthrow.

According to DJ Aom, red shirt supporters withdrew millions of baht and then ceremoniously burned their Bangkok Bank bankbooks. Similar campaigns are planned by Rak Chiang Mai 51 against local branches of Kasikorn Bank, Bank of Ayudhaya and the agribusiness conglomerate Charoen Pokphand, all considered by the group as part of a broad royalist elite.

Not-so-mellow yellows
At the same time, many in Chiang Mai profess allegiance to the yellow-garbed People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) movement, the reactionary royalist street protest movement that paved the way for Thaksin's 2006 ouster and crippled the workings of two Thaksin-aligned governments last year, including by seizing Bangkok's domestic and international airports.

The PAD was previously associated with the Democrats, due to the fact one of the protest group's co-leaders was an elected MP with the party. That link is now less obvious as PAD leaders criticize Abhisit and the Democrats for not getting to the bottom of an April assassination attempt against PAD leader Sondhi Limthongkul.

Radio host Terdsak, a PAD supporter, claims that the yellow-shirt network numbers at least 100,000 "official" members across northern provinces. He says their core consists of teachers, state enterprise workers, farmers who opposed free trade agreements and other liberalizing policies during Thaksin's governments, royalist military forces, non-governmental groups, and people who suffered from Thaksin's 2003 war on drugs campaign, which saw the indiscriminate killings of many innocent victims in the north, particularly among ethnic hill tribes.

It also includes a broad swath of the middle class that once supported Thaksin as a son of the north and his bold economic initiatives, but later turned against him for the various large-scale development projects, including cable cars, highway overpasses, and a heavy-handed land grab for a new zoo, that many believed directly benefited his family's or political cronies' business interests.

Among those who switched sides is northern Thai folk singer Suntaree Veychanon, who previously supported Thaksin's tough stand against narcotic drugs. Later, however, she joined mass efforts to drive Thaksin from power and is now a member of a loose network of yellow shirt sympathizers that goes by the name Paa Kee Hak Chiang Mai, or Love Chiang Mai Party.

She understands first hand the rough and tumble tactics of some of Thaksin's local supporters: days after she first appeared on the PAD protest stage in Bangkok in 2006, an unexploded grenade was found in front of her popular riverside restaurant where she performs nightly.

Suryian Tongknukiat, the PAD's chief organizer in Chiang Mai, is a veteran NGO worker from the southern province of Pattalung who married a woman from Chiang Mai and has worked for several years with farmers and hill tribe groups in the north. Handpicked by the PAD leadership in Bangkok, he has been tasked with building the PAD's northern network.

His mission, he says, is to empower common folk, keep the government in check and to spread word about its contentious "New Politics" policies, a conservative platform that once called for a reduction in the number of elected representatives to the Upper House, based on the premise that common voters are too naive to make their own political decisions.

The PAD's decision to advance these vague policies as a proper political party has divided its national network, with one camp feeling their interests are better served as a street movement than by a formal institution, and another that believes a party vehicle will give their ideas more legitimacy. PAD party organizers in the northern province of Chiang Rai recognize the transitional challenge, conceding that they would be lucky to win 20 seats - out of a total of 480 - at the next general elections.

The military, in its campaign for northern Thais' hearts and minds, has by most indications fared poorly in getting its message across. In late April, the Internal Security Operations Command, or ISOC, held seminars across the north to brief local village leaders about its side of their handling of the April UDD-led riots. The military has claimed no protestors were killed in the melee, while UDD supporters have claimed some were killed.

At one such seminar held in Chiang Mai, attended by some 2,000 village heads, district chiefs and other community officials, nearly half of the room walked out in protest, claiming the meeting was a waste of time. Leaders from Chiang Rai and Phayao reportedly interrupted similar meetings by shouting pro-Thaksin slogans and ridiculing the event's military organizers before leaving the seminar early.

Whether the Democrats fiscal efforts, which will be heavily marketed in the north under their Thai Khem Kaeng, or Thai strength, campaign will sway rural support from Thaksin is still unclear. Yet it will likely hold the key to the next general elections with its more mixed political loyalties than other regions. The former Thaksin-aligned PPP won 47 of the region's 75 seats at the 2007 polls, with the Democrats notching just 16.

Already some of the Democrat party's populist ploys, including a 2,000 baht (US$60) handout scheme for over 11 million low-income earners and a new pension plan for senior citizens, have been coolly received in the north, say some locals.

That local skepticism deepened when the Democrat-led government later announced a series of tax hikes on cigarettes, alcohol and gasoline. A middle-ranking police officer in Chiang Mai, requesting anonymity, jokingly accused the government of handing out money with one hand and then snatching it back with the other. Like many people in his village, he sometimes joins red shirt gatherings, but considers himself only a casual supporter.

In April, the village headman where he lives in Mae Hia district organized a group to join the red shirt rallies in Bangkok. He said that he and his neighbors were offered 500 baht (US $15), a free red shirt and transportation for the four-day trip, which included only a one-day commitment at the demonstrations.

The expenses-paid trip, he says, doubled as an opportunity for some to visit their children or relations working around Bangkok, or to visit nearby beaches with family and friends. The police official, wary of spending that long away from home but under pressure to support his red shirt-aligned village chief, instead joined a smaller red shirt caravan on an overnight shopping trip to a nearby border market.

To be sure, not all support for red or yellow shirt groups in the north is purchased by powerful Bangkok-based patrons. Plenty have come out on their own accord, with the reds' rhetoric against the skewed concentration of power and wealth, and the yellow's rants against corruption in government, ringing true with a growing number of northerners.

Many share across the color-coded divide a perennial sense of neglect from the central government. Protest groups' broad pleas for democracy and social justice have perhaps unintentionally sparked new calls for stronger local government and other decentralizing reforms. They are calls for political change that, judging by their histories and actions, neither Thaksin and his reds, nor the Democrats and their more loosely aligned yellows, appear to represent.

Shawn Kelley is an independent political risk consultant and Visiting Fellow at Chulalongkorn University's Social Research Institute in Bangkok. He may be reached atsjkelley88@gmail.com.

Source : atimes.com

Red shirts claim 4m signatures

2009-07-31T21:14:00.000-07:00

PETITION FOR ROYAL PARDON

Red shirts claim 4m signatures

By The Nation
Published on August 1, 2009

Thaksin phones in to rally to thank supporters; vows to return the favour

The campaign for a royal pardon for fugitive ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra has collected more than 4 million signatures, it was announced during a rally by his supporters late yesterday.

Thaksin also made a phone-in address last night. He thanked his supporters for backing the signature campaign and said he felt highly grateful to them.

"I want to return your favour by working for you, which I can't do now. If I can work to return your favour, I will be able to die peacefully," he said.

Veera Musigapong, an organiser of the red shirts' rally at Sanam Luang, said 4.19 million signatures had been collected from all over the country. His announcement led to loud cheers.

The red shirts also plan to hold a protest at the Interior Ministry on Monday against Interior Minister Chaovarat Chanweerakul, whose Bhum Jai Thai Party is campaigning against the signature drive.

The rally in Sanam Luang took place despite warnings from the government that a pardon could only be sought by Thaksin himself or his relatives.

The Metropolitan Police Bureau deployed about 1,800 anti-riot police to keep the peace at the rally site, said commissioner Lt-General Worapong Chewpreecha. About 600 policemen were on the ground, while the remainder were held back as potential |reinforcements.

Some 150 traffic policemen were responsible for ensuring a smooth traffic flow around the rally site.

Thaksin fled Thailand last August to escape a two-year jail term for conflict of interest.

His supporters aim to gather the signatures for forwarding to His Majesty the King in search of a royal pardon.

The red-shirted protesters launched the campaign last month following months of sometimes-violent street protests and political conflict between supporters and foes of the ex-premier, who was ousted from office nearly three years ago.

The government has launched a campaign to inform the public that the petition has no legal grounds and is inappropriate.

State-owned television ran a segment with a legal expert yesterday to remind the public it was improper to involve the monarchy in politics.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/08/01/politics/politics_30108836.php)

public not happy with govt

2009-07-31T20:53:00.001-07:00

Local News

Poll reveals public not happy with govt

Writer: POST REPORTERS

Published: 1/08/2009 at 12:00 AM

The Democrat-led coalition government barely won public approval for its performance over the past six months, a recent poll reveals.

The coalition scored 6.39 out of 10 for its performance in its first six months in office in a Suan Dusit Poll.

The government was slightly more popular upcountry than in Bangkok, despite the capital being a key Democrat stronghold. Bangkok respondents gave the government 6.05 while it scored 6.52 overall in other provinces.

The poll was released yesterday before the government's announcement of its achievements planned for Monday. (see details in graphic)

''Overall, the government's performance over the past six months received just a passing grade,'' said Suan Dusit Poll director Sukhum Chaleysub. ''People were still not satisfied.''

The government's main policy thrust has been to revitalise the slumping economy. It gave 2,000-baht cheques to millions of low-income earners earlier this year to boost consumption. It also introduced free education up to the age of 15 years, and subsidised utility bills and some transport services to ease the financial burden of the public.

Populist policies could cause the public to become dependent on government handouts, obstructing long-term development, Mr Sukhum said.

The free education policy was the most popular with respondents.

The Education Ministry topped the poll, while the Commerce Ministry scored the lowest.

Education Minister Jurin Laksanavisit gave officials credit for the Education Ministry's popularity.

Providing free schooling was not a populist policy, he said, it was an in vestment in the country's future human capital.

Commerce Minister Porntiva Nakasai said she was not panicked or discouraged by the poll results.

The ministry had encountered difficulties which affected its performance over the past six months, such as depressed farm commodity prices and slumping exports.

Many projects lacked public or budgetary support, she said.

Planned measures, such as those to support exporters, would improve the ministry's popularity over the next six months, she said.

(www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/21283/poll-reveals-public-not-happy-with-govt)

Philippine democratic icon Corazon Aquino dies

2009-07-31T20:02:00.000-07:00

By Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Manila

Philippine democracy icon and former president Corazon Aquino died Saturday after battling colon cancer for more than one year, her family said. She was 76.

Cory, as the people fondly called her, had been hospitalized in the Makati Medical Centre in Manila since late June after her health deteriorated and the cancer spread to other parts of her body.

"Our mother peacefully passed away at 3:18 am August 1, 2009 of cardio-respiratory arrest," Senator Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III said.

"She would have wanted us to thank each and everyone of you for all the prayers and your continued love and support," he added. "It washer wish for all of us to pray for one another and for our country."

The entire nation has been offering prayer vigils for Aquino, who led a four-day bloodless people power revolution in 1986 that toppled the dictatorship of the late Ferdinand Marcos.

Yellow ribbons have been tied on street lamps, trees, fences and buildings throughout the Philippines to honour the late president. Yellow was Aquino's symbol in her fight against Marcos.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/08/01/regional/regional_30108844.php)

Pardon-petition campaign peaks

2009-07-31T08:26:00.000-07:00

source : bangkokpost.com

Politics

UDD petition campaign culminates at Sanam Luang

Writer: Bangkok Post.com

Published: 31/07/2009 at 04:27 PM

Supporters of ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra gathered at Sanam Luang on Friday afternoon as the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) group wrapped up its signature campaign for a petition seeking a royal pardon for the fugitive politician.

"We expect to have as many as five million signatures in the end," UDD leader Nattawut Saikua said.

"We plan to seek royal mercy on our leader's behalf."

The final day of campaigning began at noon and was due to end at midnight.

The date when the petition will be submitted would be announced later, another UDD leader Jatuporn Prompan said.

Mr Jatuporn said Thaksin planned to phone in around 8.30pm to express his gratitide to his supporters.

The rally at Sanam Luang would continue until 5am Saturday, he said.

Police surrounded Sanam Luang to ensure a peaceful rally.

Pol Lt-Gen Worapong Chiewpreecha, the metropolitan police commander, said about 1,800 police were being deployed to maintain peace and order.

Of the total, 600 police were stationed around the main public ground, another 150 were assigned to traffic duty and the remainder were on standby in nearby areas.

Pol Lt-Gen Worapong said there had been no reports by mid-afternoon of red-shirts mobilising at other locations. He expected the crowd at Sanam Luang to swell to about 30,000 red-shirt supporters.

The government coalition party Chart Thai Pattana urged Thaksin to tell his supporters to abandon the petition, to prove his loyalty to the royal institution.

Watchara Kannikar, the party's spokesman, echoed the government's message that the law stipulates that only convicted prisoners already serving a sentence, or their relatives, were entitled to seek a royal pardon.

Chuan Leekpai, chief adviser of tthe prime minister's Democrat Party, warned the government to pay close attention the red-shirts' activities.

"I have warned the government not to ignore the red-shirt movement," he said.

"They previously announced that the government would not last more than three months, and then there was chaos in April, which was the third month that the government was in office.

"And now they are on the move again," Mr Chuan said.

(www.bangkokpost.com/news/politics/150728/udd-seeks-royal-pardon-for-thaksin)

Krabi Southern Thailand

2009-07-31T08:06:00.000-07:00

The major tourist attractions in Krabi Province

Krabi Province and its Capital City, Krabi City are one of the better holiday destinations of Southern Thailand. The Province comprisess 4,700 square Kilometers, the topography of which is rugged karst coastline interspersed with lovely beaches along the Andaman Sea Coastline with mountains and highlands inland. The important thing to remeber about Krabi is that it is on the mainland sside of many other excellent locations including, Phuket, Phi Phi Islands, Ao Phang Nga as well as those listed below in Krabi Province.

Phi Phi Islands [ Mo Ko Phi Phi ] This area is in fact an archipelago situated in an area of 42 square Kilometers. The main Island is Phi Phi Don which is an area of 28 square kilometers and which is the location for hotels and resorts. It is mostly rugged high karst country especially from the west side but has two major twin bays with white curved beaches called Ao Lo Da Lam and Ao Ton Sai. This is the area devastated by the Tsunami. However the more spectacular Island is Phi Phi Lecovering 6.6 kilometers of inaccessible land mass but with astonishing cliff scenery and several inlets and their beaches. The major attractions are the bays Ao Pi Le, Ao Maya and Ao Lo Sa Ma. One should also not miss the experience of circumnavigating this rugged Island.

The two mountains of Khao Khanap Nam. These two 100 meter tall Karsk limestone peaks dominate the scenery at Krabi and have become the regions symbol. Here you will be able to explore caves containing stalactites and stalagmites. Khao Khanap Nam is 15 minutes away by tail boat ride from the Chao Fa Pier.

Than Bok National Park.

Mu Ko Poda. This is a karsk limestone peaked Island with sandy beaches and pristine water coral reefs surrounding it. It is located 8 kilometers offshore south of Ao Nang where many tourists have accommodation. The boat trip from there will take 30 minutes. It is an excellent location for fishing. Also located here are the other Islands of Khwan, Kai, Mo and Thap. The lovely sanding beaches are best seen at low tides.

Thale Weak [ meaning '' separated sea '' ]. The Krabi region is subject to significant tides, and here also at low tide is exposed a white sand beach which connects two Islands.

Su san Hoi Fossil Shell Beach. This area was over 40 million years ago a fresh water swamp which was the habitat of large fresh water mollusks. These became embedded in rock slab formations. When the area was submerged with sea water the submerged formations merged with limestone to form a slap some 40 centimeters thick now called '' Shelly Limestone ''. These have subsequently been broken leaving massive formations on the seashore. The term '' Su san Hoi '' means '' shell cemetery ''.

Rai Le Beach. Here two beaches are surrounded by Karst Limestone cliffs making access inaccessible by land. When traveling there by boat also look ast the neighbouring Phra Nang Beach and the surrounding limestone caves.

Noppharat Thara Beach. This is a 3 kilometer long sandy beach which wanders to the Ko Khao Pak Khlong Island. The beach is famous for its sea shells.

Mu Ko Lanta National Park. This area is a National Marine Park and covers 153 square kilometers, mostly sea. The major Islands here to see are Lanta Yai, Lanta Noi, Ngai, Taleng Beng, Ha and Rok.

Ao Nang Beach. This is a developed tourist area providing a range of hotels, resorts, bungalows and guesthouses. Here is a place to stay and then travel out to more than 84 Islands and their beaches and coral reefs

(www.thailandsworld.com/index.cfm?p=456)

Unesco lists royal archives as Memory of the World Register

2009-07-31T07:40:00.000-07:00

The Unesco has registered 35 new items on the Memory of the World Register, including the royal archives of Thailand.

Khunying Manmart Chavalit, president of the Memory of the World Register committee of Thailand said that the decision was made when the international committee met in Barbados from July 29 to 31.

She said the archives included documents on the abolition of slavery in Siam, former name of Thailand and domestic and international policies during King Rama V reign which had helped Thailand sail through the difficult period.

The 800,000-page original manuscript of the archives are now kept in the National Library of Thailand and the National Archieves of Thailand, Manmart said.

The archives are the second pieces of Thailand which were registered by Uneco following King Ramkamhaeng's stone inscriptions in 2003.

In 2004, in collaboration with Unesco, Thailand honoured King Chulalongkorn, Rama V, on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of his birth.

The Register features documentary heritage identified by UNESCO's International Advisory Committee and then endorsed by its Director-General for their world significance.

Apart from the royal archives, the diaries of Holocaust victim Anne Frank, the Magna Carta and the royal archives of Madagascar were also among 35 items of documentary heritage that are being added to a United Nations register designed to preserve them for future generations.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/07/31/national/national_30108819.php)

RED SHIRTS' SIGNATURE CAMPAIGN

2009-07-31T00:36:00.000-07:00

Petition damned as divisive ploy

By The Nation
Published on July 31, 2009

Move drags the monarchy into politics: govt. Army alert amid 'plans of unrest'

After an initial delay, Abhisit Vejjajiva's government has started a campaign to counter the red shirts' move to collect 3 million signatures for the petition of a royal pardon for ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

The government has instructed state-run media outlets to remind the public about the impropriety of involving the monarchy in politics, PM's Office Minister Satit Wongnongtaey said yesterday.

"The issue of a royal pardon has caused so much confusion, and organisers of the signature campaign have been flouting the law," he said.

Satit added that the red shirts were using their move to seek a royal pardon as a pretext for deepening social and political divisions. He urged the public to be cautious, or else they might play an unwitting hand in miring the monarchy in a political game.

Red-shirt leaders Jatuporn Promphan, Veera Musigapong and Natthawut Saikua have vowed to collect 3 million signatures and present the petition to the Royal Household Bureau or the Office of the Private Secretary to His Majesty the King next Friday. The move is seen as yet another attempt by Thaksin's supporters to weaken the revered monarchy.

Thaksin was found guilty in absentia of corruption over the Ratchadaphisek land scam and sentenced to two years in prison last October. He fled the country last August and has been a fugitive ever since.

Under Thai law, criminals can only petition for royal amnesty after they have served time for a certain period and expressed repentance. Thaksin has not served any time in prison or admitted to any wrongdoing. Instead, all he has done is vow to return and lead the country again.

Meanwhile, Interior Minister Chaovarat Chan-weerakul told all provincial governors and district chiefs to set up tables in front of their offices from today and persuade people who had signed the petition to withdraw their signatures.

"Anyone who wishes to withdraw his or her signature can do so. But they must come in person with their ID cards, in order to prevent any confusion," the minister said.

Yesterday, national police chief General Patcharawat Wongsuwan and National Intelligence Agency (NIA) chief Adul Kowattana briefed Prime Minister Abhisit about the movement for amnesty. Adul said in reality, fewer than 1 million people had signed the petition, because the process of authenticating names, backgrounds and profiles was far too complicated, while some had changed their minds.

The NIA believes the red shirts will probably start creating political chaos from next Monday - the day Abhisit turns 45.

"I don't think we can stop the red shirts from rallying or submitting a petition. They can allow them to do that, but I'm concerned they're trying to bring the monarchy into politics. They're free to attack me, but they should not touch the monarchy," Abhisit said.

Meanwhile, Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwan yesterday ordered the armed forces to monitor the signature campaign.

He said the armed forces were obligated to uphold the monarchy and that the pardon petition was affecting the country's revered institution.

Prawit ordered military leaders to ensure peace in society and safeguard the monarchy.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/07/31/politics/politics_30108760.php)

SUU KYI'S CONTROVERSIAL TRIAL

2009-07-31T00:01:00.000-07:00

Burma court postpones verdict on Aung San Suu Kyi

By Deutsche Presse Agence

Rangoon - A Burmese court on Friday postponed until August 11 its verdict on opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and three others charged with breaking the terms of her house arrest, officials said.

"The judges said they needed more time to review the laws," said a government official who attended the trial at a special court set up in Insein Prison. The session lasted only 10 minutes.

Foreign diplomats, including representatives from the US, British and German embassies, attended the trial which was expected to issue a guilty verdict on Suu Kyi, 64.

She stands accused of breaking the terms of her house detention by allowing US national John William Yettaw to swim to her home-cum-prison on May 3 and stay, albeit uninvited, in her compound until the night of May 5.

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate, who has spent 14 of the past 20 years under house detention, faces a minimum of three years in jail and a maximum of five if found guilty.

Suu Kyi's two housekeepers, Khin Khin Win and Win Ma Ma, face similar charges for accommodating Yettaw's surprise visit and Yettaw faces several months in jail for breaching various laws, including a prohibition against swimming in Inya Lake, on which Suu Kyi's family compound sits.

Security was tight around the prison, with roadblocks set up to prevent normal traffic flow. Burma's junta has issued a warning against any violent reaction to the outcome of the trial which began on May 18.

According to still unconfirmed reports, authorities arrested several pro-democracy activists Thursday night.

Past court cases have demonstrated that Burma's judiciary has no independence from the country's ruling military junta, which wants Suu Kyi to remain out of politics until after a general election planned next year, observers said.

There was little hope that Suu Kyi would be found not guilty because her freedom might galvanize opposition to the government's scheduled general election in 2010 that promises to be neither free nor fair.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party won the last Burma election in 1990 by a landslide even though she was in jail at the time of the polls.

Analysts said Suu Kyi, deemed the only opposition politician the ruling regime fears and a democracy icon to her people, could seriously threaten the military's so-called political reforms, which it has dubbed a "seven-step roadmap" to democracy.

Given this political reality, even Suu Kyi was not optimistic about the outcome of her trial.

"Daw (Mrs) Aung San Suu Kyi is prepared for the worst," her attorney Nyan Win said Tuesday after the court's final hearing.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/07/31/regional/regional_30108789.php)

Military to control southern budget

2009-07-29T03:56:00.000-07:00

Security

NEWS THINK

Military to control southern budget

Writer: King-oua Laohong

Published: 26/07/2009 at 12:00 AM

As the southern insurgency shows no sign of abating, the Abhisit Vejjajiva government has earmarked a budget of 63 billion baht for community development to spur the regional economy, hoping that it will help bring the hoped for changes in the region.

But the huge budget allocation also comes with a question: "Into whose pockets will the money go?"

The government is hoping that the fund, which is to be spent over a period of four years via a new politics-lead-military approach, would help quell the ongoing unrest.

The budget would be disbursed from 2009 to 2012.

However, it seems the government is facing problems in implementing this approach because Deputy Interior Minister Thaworn Senneam has not succeeded in founding the Office of Southern Border Provinces Administration (OSBPA) as planned.

Why? Because his efforts in pushing for a new law to accommodate the establishment of the OSBPA have still not paid off.

When the OSBPA is set up, it will take over the responsibility of countering the insurgency in the restive South from the Internal Security Operations Command (Isoc) which is now under the supervision of the army.

But until the OSBPA is established, Isoc will handle the 63 billion baht fund.

The fund is meant to cover 53 separate plans under which 463 projects are to be undertaken by Isoc, or in other words the military.

Only a fraction of the budget has been granted for education and reconciliation projects run by the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC), the existing civilian body which addresses the southern problems. That means the military still has the lion's share.

Over the four-year period, 8.5 billion baht of the 63 billion baht would be spent in 2009, 18.26 billion baht in 2010, 19.1 billion baht in 2011 and the remaining 17.45 billion baht in 2012.

Army chief Anupong Paojinda once told a meeting of military officers that the military needed another 10 years to end the southern insurgency, and would not withdraw its forces from the region for another eight years.

Right now, the army is trying to introduce development projects to make them go hand in hand with its security operations in the region.

That means it is the soldiers who are politically active, while the SBPAC, set up to play this role, cannot afford to do so as it cannot get its hands on the money to take over the projects. Calls from academics, the business sector and local bodies that civilian agencies should be in charge of development works, have been ignored.

Panithan Wattanayakorn, the government spokesman, insists the 63 billion baht, which might be pared to 54 billion baht as projects overlap, was not allocated for Isoc projects alone, and would be distributed among several agencies.

(www.bangkokpost.com/news/security/20945/military-to-control-southern-budget)

Death toll reaches 65 Wednesday

2009-07-29T03:00:00.000-07:00

INFLUENZA 2009

Death toll reaches 65 Wednesday

By The Nation

Death toll of the new strain of influenza reached 65 on Wednesday, Deputy Permanent Secretary for public health Dr Paijit Warachit said.

The infected cases in Thailand are now 8,877, he said.

The fatalities were of altogether 27 provinces; 17 from central region, six from northeast, four from north and south each.

The ministry announced in its weekly press conference that there were 44 fatalities.

(www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/07/29/national/national_30108611.php)

Buddhist couple killed, 5 others injured in double attacks in Pattani

2009-07-28T02:10:00.000-07:00

Buddhist couple killed, 5 others injured in double attacks in Pattani

Pattani - Insurgents slain a Buddhist couple and hid homemade bomb under their bodies and detonated to ambush security officials, injuring three of them and two civilians in this southern border province early Tuesday.

Police said the couple were shot and killed by insurgents while they were riding their motorcycle to their rubber plantation on a village road in Ban Plukyai village in Tambon Paklor of Khokpho district at 5 am.

When soldiers and policemen arrived at the scene, insurgents detonated a bomb hidden under to bodies, injuring two police officers and an army officer and two civilians.

The couple were identified as Kosol Kasemsuk, 48 and Pongsri Kasemsuk, 45.

The Nation

(www.nationmultimedia.com/breakingnews/30108528/Buddhist-couple-killed-5-others-injured-in-double-)

Mae Hong Son Travel Guide

2009-07-27T20:21:00.000-07:00

Mae Hong Son town and airport is located in the remote north west of Lan Na virtually on the Myanmar border. First settled by the Shan people [ Tai Yai ] the region is home for Shan architecture and art, for the Karen and the Hmong minorities and the natural beauty of the Mae Suriin Water falls and Nam Tok Mae Surin National Park.
The major places of interest are the Burmese Temple of Wat Chong Kham, the 80 meter sheer fall of Mae Surin Waterfall, the Pai River [ Nam Mae Pai ] and its bamboo raft voyages and local wildlife.
The town of Mae Hong Son was founded in 1831, made a city in 1874 and a Province was created in 1893

The significant sites are:

The 6 Temple [ Wats ] complexes mentioned below
The Pai River valley
Mae Surin Waterfalls
The National Park, and
The ethnic minorities' villages

(thailandsworld.com)

How to get there?

By plane

Nonstop 30 minute flights from Chiang Mai are available from Thai Airways, Nok Air, and SGA.

By road

There are two road options from Chiang Mai, both taking 5-6 hours by car. Route 1095 via Pai (280 km) is the more scenic drive, while route 108 via Mae Sariang (350 km) is an easier drive.

Mae Hong Son is located 924 kilometres from Bangkok. Drive from Bangkok to Chiang Mai and then choose the following routes to Mae Hong Son: Chiang Mai, Hot, Mae Sariang, Khun Yuam, Mae Hong Son (Route 108) with 1864 curves, a distance of 349 kilometres. Chiang Mai, Mae Malai, Pai, Mae Hong Son (Route 1095), a distance of 245 kilometres.

By bus

Regular bus services connect Mae Hong Son with Chiang Mai (Arcade bus terminal) and the entire trip will take at least 7-8 hours. A better option is the minibus, also leaving from Arcade in Chiang Mai, which only take 5.5 hours but cost 250 baht. If you're going by bus, you can choose the northern (Pai) or southern (Mae Sariang) route. The northern route is a little faster. The new bus station is about a 15 minute walk from the center of town to the southwest. The bus station is set on a seemingly deserted street that runs parallel to the main road in town.

There is also an overnight bus to Bangkok's Northern Bus Terminal (Moh Chit) which takes about 16-17 hours.

Sombat Tour, operates an air-conditioned bus which runs directly from Bangkok to Mae Hong Son every day. The bus departs from Chatuchak (Mochit 2) Bus Terminal at 8:30 p.m and arrives in Mae Hong Son at 10:30 a.m (14 hours) with a fare of 718 baht.

By train

The nearest train station is at Chiang Mai.

One can travel from Bangkok to Chiang Mai by rail and then continue to Mae Hong Son by bus. For more information, call 1699, 0 2223 7010, 0 2223 7020 or visit.

(Wikipedia.org)

travel Mae Hong Son,Thailand

2009-07-27T20:13:00.000-07:00

Wat Chong Kham [ 1827 ]

Wat Chong Kham temple complex was built by Shan [ Tai Yai ] artisans in 1827 on the banks of the town's small Jong Kham lake. It houses a large Buddha statue having a lap width of 4.85 metres and is in the Burmese Shan style.

Source : thailandsworld.com

no new solutions

2009-07-27T19:38:00.000-07:00

ANOTHER MONTH: one more campaign, one new anxiety, and no new solutions

By Chang Noi

Published on July 27, 2009

THE FIRST COUNTRIES using mass propaganda techniques were the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. They wanted to create new men and women with new thinking, and they believed one way to achieve this was by bombarding people with messages in public space.

Often this thought-changing objective was muddled up with another aim - to unite people behind the leadership. Often this was done by playing on people's fears of enemies, real or imagined, without or within. Campaigns raged against external imperialists, and internal counter-revolutionaries. Sowing anxiety is a powerful propaganda technique.

Other countries took up the same techniques during wartime - for similar reasons. They wanted to unite people against the enemy, and mobilise people's efforts for the cause. Again the emotion that was key to the technique was anxiety. You are in danger. Do something.

As the media has become more sophisticated and intrusive, so has the usage of such campaigns become more common. But people have become more sophisticated too. They know the techniques. They filter out the messages they don't need. Nowadays, few countries attempt such mass propaganda techniques in the old style.

Recently in Thailand, a new campaign seems to have been appearing on almost a monthly basis.

In April-May, billboards began dotting highways across the country with the message, "Protect the Institution. Calm. Peace. Unity". The "institution" was not specified, but the billboard carried a collage on the Royal Family. Along the base were the names of the Interior Ministry and the local government of that area. Although the ministry orchestrated the campaign, it "requested" each local administration throughout the country to pay for these signs. Although the heading of the billboards is phrased in the imperative, there is no indication what people are supposed to do in order to comply with its call. This campaign seemed to be limited to these billboards, so the mystery remains. And some anxiety.

In June the moso campaign surfaced with blanket coverage on TV and the Skytrain. Young people were informed by the posters that they loved moso, though it took some effort to find out what moso was and why they should love it. More anxiety. A helpful website revealed that this campaign was created by the Army's Internal Security Operations Command. The site also told the bewildered that moso meant "moderation society" and that basically it would solve most of Thailand's problems, including the economic crisis.

This month, buses have appeared around Bangkok with the anxiety-enhancing question, "What can you do to show your love for your country?" Unlike the other two campaigns, the author of this campaign is more secretive. Neither the buses nor the related website reveal where the campaign comes from. However, since the prime minister fronted the launch on July 3, it seems clear this is an official government effort. But the secretiveness is telling.

The website, www.ilovethailand.org, is modelled on a social networking site. There are blogs and forums and places to post photos and videos. The campaign's slogan is, "Unite the power of 63 million hearts to build confidence in Thailand". At the launch, the prime minister seemed to say the aim of the campaign was to build external confidence, but the contents of the site are more about internal unity.

The page explaining the rationale of the campaign starts out by lamenting the divisions of recent years, employing one of the long-lasting images of nationalistic discourse, the simile of a human body.

"If we compare our Thailand to a human body then that person is mentally and physically battered and bruised. When the legs, arms and various organs of the body do not work in concert but each in a selfish manner, then there is no unity and our country is unable to move ahead with security."

The page then proposes the solution.

"The way we can help ourselves is by adopting the correct and certain thinking of upholding the national interest, and reducing our personal interests and conflicts over pointless things."

For those of you still anxious about how to answer the bus and show your love for the country, the site has some pointers. If you click on forums you surprisingly come to a page selling "I Love Thailand" T-shirts in large quantities. Another page has some lovely shots for computer-screen wallpapers with the "I love Thailand" slogan in the corner. Judging from the posted videos, if you hang around a shopping mall long enough someone will thrust a cardboard speech-bubble reading "I love Thailand" in your hands and ask you to say a few words. The main campaign invites you to enter a photo contest. Other pages urge you to send in ideas of what the campaign should be doing. It's early days for the campaign and for the site, but it's hard to see a compelling reason for anyone to adopt this as his social networking portal.

Though the owners sometimes duck and hide, it is clear all these campaigns are paid for with public money. In different ways, they sow anxiety. Each month citizens are called to another task. Protect the institution. Join the moderation society. Show your love for the country. Each time, it is not so clear how citizens should comply.

Both the moso and ILoveThailand campaigns are explicitly designed to counter the social and political divisions of recent years. For one, the answer is to act moderately. For the other, the answer is to unite.

Neither campaign acknowledges that there might be some real causes underlying those divisions. Neither campaign suggests any solutions to such causes. Neither acknowledges that people may have plunged into political activism because they thought it was their civic duty and because they had the country's interest at heart. Both want to sweep real problems under the carpet where they will fester and ferment. Is this a wise strategy?

Source: nationmultimedia.com

Thai Art And Architecture Culture In North Thailand

2009-07-27T02:46:00.001-07:00

Thai art and architecture culture in Northern Thailand follows themes for each ethnic group or empire. Apart from some prehistoric artifacts the first major archaeological remains and art are those of the Mon people and the Haripunjaya Empire [ 8th – 13th C ]. These were influenced by the prevailing Indian concepts, cosmology and mythology.

The dominant Tai influences were those of the Siamese Tai of Sukhothai in Lower North [ late 13th to mid 15th C ] and of the Tai Yuan [ Khon Muang ] Lan Na art style in Upper North [ 13th –19th C ]. The differences in Thai art are illustrated in images of Buddha, bas-reliefs, Wat and stupa construction.

Later, for 218 years [ mid 16th C to mid 18th C ] Lan Na was occupied by the Kingdom of Pegu from Burma [ now Myanmar ] during which period all art works were influenced by their views. In the 19th C the Shan people [ Tai Yai ] arrived from Burma bringing with them their northern Burmese Shan styles of art and architecture.

These various styles are demonstrated in terracotta and bronze figures [ particularly Buddhist themes ], temple and stupa design, woodcarvings, stucco, gilt and lacquer. These styles and themes are discussed and where to see examples of each are detailed in the North Thailand tourism links.

Source : www.thailandsworld.com

Northern Thai Folk Dance

2009-07-27T02:39:00.000-07:00

Northern Thai Folk Dance, taken during a dinner show at Chiang Mai.

Sceneries of Chiang Mai, Thailand

2009-07-27T02:21:00.000-07:00

Hill tribes of northern Thailand

Northern Thailand is home to interesting and colourful ethnic minorities, known as the hill tribes. These add an important element to tourism here and you may visit, or go trekking to, numerous villages, where they are happy to receive you. Since most are rural and poor, any economically uplifting opportunities are welcomed.

Most of the hill tribes have migrated into the region during the past 100 years from the Asian interior and have largely preserved their traditional ways, making them a fascinating cultural study. They prefer living above 1,000m, and shy away from the outside world.

There are seven broad hill tribe groupings: Karen, Lahu, Hmong, Lisu, Akha and Mien. However, within these categories, there are sub-categories and clans that further divide the groups. Each hill tribe has its own customs, language, dress and spiritual beliefs and this is sometimes true even of the numerous sub-categories within one hill tribe. For example, the Green Hmong and White Hmong speak in different and distinct dialects and dress differently. The hill tribes are most distinctly recognised for their colourful and unique costume, which they continue to wear daily.

Source : www.1stopchiangmai.com

Tribal Museum Chiang Mai

2009-07-27T02:05:00.000-07:00

A visit to the Tribal Museum is strongly recommended as an introduction to the cultures and practices of the current hill tribes of northern Thailand. This museum serves as an extensive resource centre for the tribal cultures, and the visitor will certainly leave with a better understanding of each hill tribe. It is unique and compact, and together with the nearby National Museum of Chiang Mai, can be viewed in half a day.

It was established in 1965 by the Department of Public Welfare of the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare of Thailand, and moved to the present sight in 1997. The first floor is of most interest to the visitor.

The hill tribes are the minority people who inhabit the remote areas of Thailand. Their ethnic origins, culture and languages differ from the majority, the Tai. The major tribes consist of the Akha, Karen, Lahu, Lisu, Yao (or Mien) and Hmong. These hill tribes have been migratory, and as only the Yao have ever had a written language, the history of the other tribes has developed through oral traditions. Each of these ethnic groups is described in detail in our North Thailand People links.

The tribes who number about 970,000, tend to live in different geographical zones, with the Hmong preferring the higher altitudes, the Akha, Lisu and Lahu lower down, and the Karen and Yao preferring the valleys. They all have their specific form of religion (based on animism), ceremonies, language and customs. However with economic and cultural changes that are occurring in the region, and with the gradual assimilation of these tribes into mainstream society, these cultural traditions are at risk of being eroded and even becoming extinct. This museum is an attempt to showcase and preserve the history of these differing cultures by conveying an atmosphere of traditional and modern tribal village life through crafts made by villagers, photographs and clear exhibit descriptions with a background of traditional tribal music and chanting. The collection is arranged according to themes of housing, fishing, agriculture, religious beliefs and musical instruments with a wide variety of exhibits including baskets, ceremonial stringed and wind instruments, drums, farming implements, hunting traps and weapons, intricate silver jewellery and very colourful costumes.

As the hill tribes specialize in arts and crafts, an extensive selection of tribal handiworks is on display, some on life size mannequins, well researched, labelled and explained. Clothing style and decoration is the one means of differentiating not only between the different tribes, but also between the members within each tribe. The Hmong women excel at needlework and embroidery, characterised by geometric patterns and often incorporating silver into the design. There is a pair of mannequins dressed in an outstanding set of traditional Hmong dress. The Yao are also renowned for their intricate embroidery that covers the entire surface of the garment. The Karen specialise in weaving, and the garments of the Lahu and Lisu are characterized by colourful bands of stripes. The traditional Akha headdresses are most ornamental and impressive, incorporating silver beads and coins. The hill tribes recreate some of these traditional arts and crafts for sale in the tourist market.

Location: Ratchamangkla Park, Chotana Road Muang, (or highway no 107) Chiang Mai 50300

The museum can also be accessed from Canal Road which is an easier way
Telephone: 053 – 210 - 872
Hours: Open Monday to Friday 9.00 am to 4.00 pm
Admission: Free but donations appreciated

(www.thailandsworld.com)

Phu Chi Fa, Chiang Rai ; Thailand

2009-07-26T22:51:00.000-07:00

This is the best spot to enjoy the sunrise in Chiang Rai because of Phu Chi Fa's geographical characteristics. The highest plateau on top of the mountain is a vast grassy plain extending its reach over the Laotian border. Its highest peak is like a pointing finger towards the sky. Once on top, the levels of valleys below spread before our eyes. From here, we can see much farther into Laos than from any other mountain top.

The mountain temperature in the cold season is very low, and can even be below the freezing point some years. Therefore, frosty dews are not uncommon on top of this mountain. In February, a kind of native white flower called dok siao or wild orchid trees are in bloom, adding to the enchanting charm of the mountain. To get to Phu Chi Fa, visitors can choose a route uphill according to their preference. From Ban Phaen Din Thong, there is a junction with two routes uphill to the mountain top. A much-favored route is by Ban Rom Fa Thai on the right. There are several resort hotels and restaurants on the way. The distance is approximately 1,800 meters to the top. The other route on the left is by Ban Rom Fa Thong. There is a roadway up to the office of the Ngao-Ngao Watersource Management Unit. The walk after that station is only 800 meters to the top. Both routes are steep

(www.modernthailand.com/chiang_rai/phu_chi_fa.html)

Thaksin: A Don Quixote for democracy or a Shylock for power?

2009-07-26T22:25:00.000-07:00

Wednesday , April 1 , 2009

Thaksin: A Don Quixote for democracy or a Shylock for power?

Posted by Avudh

What ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra has been doing to rouse the crowds, like his phone-in, is nothing out of the ordinary. Desparate times call for desparate measures.

It is a pity, however, that he should have asked himself a simple question before setting out to do what a man has to do.

Can he, or will he look in the mirror and honestly ask himself whether he will still be in power if Prem Tinsulanonda and Surayud Chulanont were not in the Privy Council?

Given his mindset, it is pointless to argue whether Thaksin is justified in portraying Prem and Surayud as his demons.

He will soon find out for himself whether, by demonising Prem and Surayud, he is resolving or compounding his own predicament.

Throughout history, Thailand has proved for her resiliency time and again. The Thaksin’s wrath will come to pass just like all other aberrations.

The Privy Council is an established institution with exemplary records for more than a century. There is no reason to suspect a bad-mouthing by Thaksin can alter anything.

The story of the September 19, 2006 coup as told by Thaksin has no new information. Before the power seizure to the present, the anti- and the pro-Thaksin camps have been engaging in the disinformation campaign designed either to justify or to undermine the coup.

The rival camps have been churning out so many versions of the coup to suit their expediency.

By rehashing a coup version linked to Prem and Surayud, Thaksin has managed to swell the numbers of the red shirts. It remains to be seen whether the sentiment will be sustained enough to serve his purpose.

It is a curious fact that Thaksin is projecting himself as democracy crusader. In 2003, the Thai Embassy in Phnom Phen was torched following a riot.

The story was the Cambodian leader wanted to get even with his Thai counterpart for acting like a carpetbagger to finance an attempted coup in his country.

For a couple of days in a row, Thaksin are trying to remind how Prem donned his fatigue uniform to sway the soldiers.

He omitted to mention that the Prem’s action happened after the speculation about the government-sponsored coup in order to cling to power by crushing the yellow shirts.

Prem simply reminded the soldiers of their allegiance to the nation and the monarchy and not to get involved in the ups and downs of a government.

Thaksin has issued a passionate plea for soldiers to march back to their barracks. Who lured the soldiers into politics between 2001 and 2006? It is a classic case of a snake charmer get bitten by his snake.

To understand, but never to condone, why the coup happened, Thaksin and all parties concerned should factor in the prevailing circumstances in 2005 and 2006.

Thaksin, in particular, will have plenty of time to reflect why he became the man at the centre of the turmoil regardless of his popularity.

In months preceding the coup, the turmoil kept on intensifying to an unprecedented level. The coup is harmful to democracy, no question about it. But Thaksin appeared at the time to inflame the situation rather than pacify it.

Practically all leading figures, the socalled aristocracy, turned their back on him. By staying silence about the coup, the aristocrats, like Prem and Surayud, spoke volumes on how they viewed him.

To the vast majority of Thai citizens trying to overcome the turmoil, the choice presented to them in 2006 was not to choose between good and evil but to pick between bad and worse – coup or Thaksin.

Time will tell - which of the two, the 2006 coup or Thaksin’s runaway power, is more harmful to democracy.

Then society can put behind the political polarisation. Thaksin will earn his place in history either as a crusader or an exploiter of democracy.

(http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/topboot/2009/04/01/entry-1)